I thank the Opposition for tabling this motion. Commitment to the reunification of the country is a founding principle of the Government. The Government holds an aspiration for a united Ireland in common with the Opposition and, in the spirit of this debate, I underline the fact that we are not opposing this motion. Every Irish Government must be guided by Article 3 of the Constitution, which states: It is the firm will of the Irish nation, in harmony and friendship, to unite all the people who share the territory of the island of Ireland, in all the diversity of their identities and traditions, recognising that a united Ireland shall be brought about only by peaceful means with the consent of a majority of the people, democratically expressed, in both jurisdictions in the island. Article 3, however, demands more than just following the shortest distance between two points and racing toward constitutional change. The spirit of harmony and friendship that the Constitution speaks about, and its commitment to a unity that respects the diversity of the people of this island, are descriptions of our destination. They are also signposts for how we get there and they are not optional. Twenty-seven years have passed, and the Good Friday Agreement remains absolutely central. It would be remiss of me not to take a moment to remember former Senator, Deputy and Minister of State, Martin Mansergh, who played a critical role in the negotiations relating to the Good Friday Agreement. The agreement absolutely is the blueprint for unlocking the full potential of our island and nation. Its implementation is the core of the Government’s policy across all three of its strands, namely our engagement with communities in Northern Ireland, the relationship between North and South and our relationship with Britain. The programme for Government states our position clearly. We are committed to the unity of the Irish people, and we believe that we will only achieve this through a sustained focus on and investment in reconciliation. There have been criticisms of this Government, from the Opposition benches and elsewhere, because we have made reconciliation a precondition to a united Ireland. I want to be clear on this. When we say we are committed to the Good Friday Agreement, we mean just that. The agreement recognises the legitimacy of whatever choice is freely exercised by a majority of the people of Northern Ireland, whether that is to remain in the union or unify the island. If there is to be a Border poll, the constitutional future of the island will be decided by a majority vote, 50% plus one. That was part of the agreement of 1998: the promise of an end to violence, replaced by a commitment to exclusively peaceful and democratic means to answer the constitutional question. A perfectly reconciled society or island is not a precondition to constitutional change. However, we must do better than we have done in the 27 years since 1998 in achieving this. I fear to say that communities remain further apart than we hoped when the agreement was signed. The agreement did not pluck the goal of reconciliation out of the air. In the text, all parties to the agreement firmly dedicated themselves to the achievement of reconciliation. That requires work. It requires leadership from every part of society, from politicians like us, but also from educators and civic, church and sporting leaders. It requires generosity of spirit in dealing with those from different backgrounds than ourselves. To be frank, I have seen a lot of this in my life because I come from the minority tradition in this jurisdiction and am the grandson of an Orangeman. I do not hide it. It is part of my identity. I must state on the record of this House that some of the language in recent weeks has been deeply troubling, particularly online from posters. Deputy Gould very eloquently talked about travelling to the North to play GAA in places like Crossmaglen. I remember going up to play rugby in the 1990s in east Belfast and in Ards, which had a very different atmosphere than Deputy Gould perhaps enjoyed. Some of the language has really brought me back to the era when I would walk down the street and be called “Orange scum” or a “West Brit”.

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It happens. I get called that regularly in south Dublin, where Deputy McDonald and I grew up-----

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-----but in east Belfast we were called much else. We were Lundys. We were Free Staters. We were Fenian scum. That was the language too many of us know in this House. I fear it is creeping back in. We need to take the responsibility, all of us who believe in a truly united Ireland, to call it out from all angles. It is important to acknowledge that we support the Good Friday Agreement in full. When we speak about the future of this island, we need to take great care with the words we choose and how we speak about the Good Friday Agreement. The Secretary of State for Northern Ireland must call a referendum if it appears likely to him that there is a majority in favour of a united Ireland. Some may point to different indications of how the Secretary of State might arrive at this assessment, be it election results, demographic change or polling. I reassure the House that the Government is not blind to these things or to the growing debate on these issues across our island. The opposite is true: we follow them very closely. Some of us have very deliberately involved ourselves in the debate. Deputy MacDonald and I have shared platforms many times, thanks to the grace of organisations like Ireland's Future. However, it comes to the question of when there will be a border poll. As it stands, it is not in prospect in the lifetime of this Government, which has just over four more years to go. That is not my preference. Time merely dictates this when we talk about preparations for any referendum. Again, the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland has stated unambiguously and consistently that, in his opinion, there is no evidence that the necessary conditions have been met to date. The motion before the House calls on the Government to plan for Irish unity. Let me be clear. When I talk about reconciliation or about the work that is ongoing across this island, we are hard at work preparing for the future of this island, whatever shape it takes, as well as building a better Ireland across it. We have an ambitious agenda that is delivering tangible results for the people of this island. We are capitalising on the window of opportunity offered to us by the reset in Ireland-UK relations. The UK-Ireland summit in Liverpool in March, and the joint statement we agreed on that occasion, set out an ambitious roadmap for east-west relations. The UK-Ireland joint statement makes clear that the reset in our relations will only be meaningful if it includes and delivers for the people of Northern Ireland as well. That goes into all areas, including the economic, but also the areas of legacy in respect of which we have finally seen some progress in recent weeks. It is part of our mission to create a shared and reconciled future for all communities on this island. That means learning to better live and work together. It is why we are committed to deepening North-South co-operation, including through the Government’s flagship shared island initiative. The restoration of the devolved institutions in Stormont has meant the return of the North-South Ministerial Council. The Government and the Northern Ireland Executive had a productive plenary meeting last Friday. I, too, acknowledge the presence of Michelle O'Neill in her capacity as the first nationalist and republican to take on the position of First Minister. It should be acknowledged and recognised. Under the €2 billion shared island fund, we are driving strategic all-island co-operation that benefits people, North and South. Deputy Mac Lochlainn eloquently referred to the issues under way. He and I had a lovely evening in Buncrana with politicians from all backgrounds and, more importantly, people who did not want to talk about politics at all, despite our best efforts. There is simply too much work under way in the areas of healthcare, transport, sport and education to list all that work in my remaining time. I could also talk about the Ulster Canal and the Narrow Water bridge. What is happening is real, however, and it really matters. It is indispensable work under all constitutional scenarios. If we hold the sincere ambition to achieve reunification, as is our right as a constitutional position, this needs to be achieved through real reconciliation and real material gains. The programme for Government clearly states that we will continue to prioritise the essential work of building understanding and reconciliation in order that we can address the fundamental causes of conflict and division. The word “prioritise” is important. As my Government colleagues have stated at other fora more than once, if there is a future referendum within the consent provisions of the Good Friday Agreement - I say if but, of course, I really hope it is when - we will make all necessary preparations in accordance with the terms of the Constitution and the principles and procedures of the agreement. It is regrettable but a fact that no one in this House can set the date for a border poll. We are guided by the terms of that agreement and that decision of another entity. However, we have to play our part in moving towards that in a constructive, shared and reconciled manner. For now, our priority is delivering for all the people of Ireland. That means continuing to promote reconciliation in Northern Ireland and on a North-South and an east-west basis. It means making the agreement’s institutions work and deliver for people in meaningful ways that they can feel in their day-to-day lives. We need to move beyond debates about symbolism, flags and anthems. When we talk about the reality, as Deputy Mac Lochlainn says, what matters is the future of the health system and how we get our health systems working better. Crucially, it is about the exchanges that we said we would prioritise, not exchanges between politicians, but between schoolchildren, third level institutions and sporting groups, or by bringing down Free Presbyterians from Belfast to meet with Roman Catholic parishes in west Cork, and making it so seamless that people consider this Ireland truly one before we even start talking about the political questions. It means we have to consistently address the legacy of the past. That is a stain and it needs to be called out. It means building a truly shared Ireland in every meaning of the definition.

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