I thank the Minister of State for being here. I will speak about medical cards specifically for cancer patients. I will ask the Department to do something really incredible for cancer patients, which is something we most definitely can fix. It is to simplify the medical card application for people with cancer. We already made adaptions to the application process, which worked well for Ukrainian refugees under the temporary protection directive, resulting in a streamlined system that cut through bureaucracy and guaranteed care but, for cancer patients, we can look to required clinical need. We did this at the time because we recognised that in crisis we need to adapt. Likewise, cancer patients are in a moment of crisis. They should be looked after and not put under financial strain. Diagnosis brings fear, uncertainty, often financial hardship and severe hardship, yet in Ireland too many patients must navigate the maze of forms and means testing to get a medical card, despite overwhelming clinical need. We say we care about their well-being and then we ask about their bank statements. It is not care and can be incredibly cruel. The Irish Cancer Society has called explicitly for automatic medical cards from diagnosis until treatment ends. This is consistent with our values. We have extended this to children with cancer acknowledging the huge pressure that is put on families to care for someone going through treatment. We have discretionary cards but these are not automatically granted to all cancer patients. They are often reserved for those with terminal illnesses under a specific financial threshold. Some patients still face difficulties, even with these. It is very distressing and leaves huge uncertainty. The issue of having to repeatedly apply for medical cards and prove financial hardship can cause more significant distress for patients and their families. It is clear that the current system does not adequately address the unique financial needs of cancer patients, including those who require various treatments, medications and supportive care, such as prosthetics and wigs. I propose we amend the legislation to enshrine clinically based eligibility on an equal footing with income. Cancer patients should automatically qualify and means testing should end. We should employ a streamlined cancer form and a digital submission pathway, and oncology teams should be allowed, if needed, pre-certify that applicants have a cancer diagnosis and are accessing treatment, just as we did for Ukrainian patients with a GP sign-off. We should guarantee active cards from day one of diagnosis that are valid until treatment concludes, without interruption, renewal or a retreatment application. Cancer patients are our friends, neighbours and families. They do not need bills; they need care. We can give them some certainty if we can deliver on this.

I thank the Deputy for her heartfelt request and for raising this important issue. I welcome the opportunity to update the House on this matter on behalf of the Department of Health. Under the Health Act 1970, eligibility for a medical card is based primarily on means. The Act obliges the HSE to assess whether a person is unable, without undue hardship, to arrange medical services for himself or herself and his or her family, having regard to his or her overall financial position and reasonable expenditure. Persons aged 70 or older are assessed under medical card income thresholds, which are based on gross income. Persons aged 69 and under are assessed under the general means-tested medical card thresholds, which are based on the applicant's household income after tax and the reduction of PRSI and the universal social charge. Certain expenses are also taken into account. In line with the legislation, the HSE is obliged to obtain relevant financial information and documents from applicants to facilitate due consideration of the assessable income and allowable expenses of individuals and families, and to assess these in order to determine their eligibility for a medical card. Every effort is made by the HSE, within the framework of the legislation, to support applicants in applying for a medical card. For example, emergency medical cards are issued to patients who are terminally ill, which the Deputy referred to, or are seriously ill and in urgent need of medical care they cannot afford. In these cases, a medical card is issued within 24 hours of receipt of the required patient details and completed medical form by a healthcare professional. These cards are not subject to a means assessment. Applications for a medical card and a GP card can be made online. This is the quickest method of getting the card. All of the required documentation that will assist in an application can be uploaded online with the application. Alternatively, an application form can be downloaded from the HSE's website or applicants can contact the HSE to request a paper form because we appreciate not everybody can avail of digitalisation. We often see that, especially with older clients who come to our offices. The completed forms can then be returned to the HSE by email or post. HSE staff are also available by telephone to answer questions from people who want to chat to them about their personal applications. Furthermore, the HSE medical card and GP visit card national assessment guidelines are available on the HSE website to provide information and assistance to applicants in making their application. In doing so, the HSE strives to have an application process for medical cards that is as streamlined and straightforward as possible for all applicants. According to the HSE, 189,391 medical card and GP visit card applications were processed between January and May of this year. Out of these, 175,151, or 92%, were approved at the first time of processing. Furthermore, 99% of all completed applications within the above timeframe are processed within 15 working days. However, if the HSE does not have all the information it needs, it will then contact the applicant to let him or her know what is missing. This can delay the processing of the application. I will refer again to the Deputy's comments on cancer patients. I agree that those facing that very difficult journey do not need the burden of financial constraints. To answer that, and I am sure the Deputy is aware of this, an emergency medical card can be issued within 24 hours.

Absolutely. There have been huge improvements over the past couple of years. I will go back to the fact that people with cancer are recovering. We have more cancer survivors than ever before. That means they are leaving treatment, are healthy and are getting back to being economic actors who are delivering back to the State. I ask that when we look at cancer, we help patients with cancer through the cancer by not being financially burdened and having that hardship carry on into their recovery. The Minister of State rightly said, as I did, in regard to cancer patients, or people who are terminal, we should be looking after people to help them survive and live when they have cancer, as opposed to just looking after them when they are terminally ill.

As I outlined, eligibility for the medical card is primarily based on means and a financial assessment conducted by the HSE in accordance with the Health Act 1970. The HSE has put in place a range of measures to assist people in applying for the medical card, which includes the availability of medical cards online. All of this the Deputy knows. I concur with the sentiment of her proposition that for cancer patients and those who are facing that journey, a much quicker, faster and easier process should be in place for them.

I am here to speak about the latest situation with regard to the occupied territories Bill. I have the privilege of being on the foreign affairs committee. I commend all members of that committee on the work that has been done to date. We are a crucial stage. I am seeking an update on the Government's view on the matter. We have had hours of legal discussion. We have met legal teams from all over the world. We met the ambassador. We met the person who took the lead on this - Senator Frances Black. She deserves enormous credit for the work she has done. I listened intently, as have all members of the committee, to the discussion on the six key requirements: an immediate ceasefire; recognition of the State of Palestine; challenge the EU-Israel trade agreement; and address the brutality of what is happening in the occupied territories. We must help rebuild the country. We must find a long-term solution to what is going on. As we discussed all the issues, for me, one box was not ticked, namely that relating to the people on the ground. I went to Cairo last weekend. I spoke with hardened people in NGOs who told me about the day-to-day experience and what is happening. I was involved previously when I went to Sri Lanka after the tsunami, but this is at a different level. What is happening out there has never been seen in my lifetime. When they wake up in the morning, children go scavenging, not for food but for wood for the fire. More than likely, the fire is in a tent and the temperature outside is 45°C. What is going on is just horrific. The men queue for food and the ladies in the house try to keep some normality. They use the bare rations that are available. I listened to evidence of what is happening at first hand. At this stage, the ladies are going out and getting water from the sea and boiling it. One lady told her kids to have a shower. She got the bottle of rationed water and stuck a pin in it and put the kids under the water. She could not use it all because she needed some of it to drink and make tea. There is no sanitation. The medical system is on its knees. There is little or no education. The so-called Israel-American humanitarian relief is an absolute insult to the word "humanity". People have to line up and fight for food. If they are out of order, they are shot – adults and kids. We do not know how many people have died. There are figures of between 70,000 and 100,000. The true facts should be known. The people who have genuine illnesses such as cancer – day-to-day illnesses that we take for granted over here – are not being treated. If we add them to the numbers, we can see that the situation is just horrendous. We know for a fact that 17,000 kids have died, of whom 1,700 were under the age of one. Those kids were shot before they could walk. When getting on the aeroplane to come home, my most abiding memory was of the youth. I really fear for the future of the youth. These kids have lost their parents. They have no education.

The Deputy can come back in.

They have no medical assistance. This is an important point. What is the future for them? In six years' time, they will be angry young men and women.

I ask the Deputy to conclude.

They are going to say that the world looked on as they starved to death.

I thank Deputy Brennan very much for his very eloquent, heartfelt and almost emotional contribution. He is speaking from experience in the aftermath of his visit out there. I know he has been very active and vocal on the occupied territories Bill at the committee, which is what he is seeking a response on today. I concur with the Deputy's comments about Senator Frances Black. She has done enormous work. She has worked in a very collegiate fashion with the Government and the leaders of the Government parties to bring this to fruition. On 24 June last, the Government approved the general scheme of the Israeli settlements in the occupied Palestinian territory (prohibition of importation of goods) Bill. The general scheme delivers on the commitment in the programme for Government to progress legislation prohibiting the import of goods from the settlements in the occupied Palestinian territory following the advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice of 19 July 2024. The general scheme was referred to the Oireachtas Joint Committee on Foreign Affairs and Trade for pre-legislative scrutiny. These proceedings are currently ongoing. Officials from the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade engaged with the committee on Tuesday, 1 July. I am conscious that the committee has heard from several legal and academic experts and representatives of the Jewish community in Ireland, as well as Israeli and Palestinian interest groups, and that further hearings may be scheduled. I commend the Chair and members of the committee for ensuring that a broad range of views and perspectives are being heard. The Government is committed to progressing the legislation. The views of the House on this legislation are well known and have been broadly discussed. At the same time, there are other voices and perspectives that are not as frequently aired in the political and public discourse here in Ireland. It is important that we are aware of these as we move forward. As the Tánaiste said very clearly last week, we in the Oireachtas want to pass the legislation in a fully informed manner, with our eyes wide open. It cannot be emphasised enough that the optimal policy scenario would be appropriate action at EU level. This has been, and continues to be, the focus of the Government's engagement. We regret that it has been necessary to move ahead of EU partners on a matter of such importance. The importance and relevance of addressing the illegal settlements was outlined in stark terms by several Israeli human rights organisations this week in a letter addressed to the EU High Representative in advance of the Foreign Affairs Council, which took place yesterday. Among several deeply concerning issues raised in the letter was the fact that the process for establishing and expanding settlements has been streamlined by the Israeli Government, leading to a record-breaking approval of 22 new settlements in May alone. They also noted the policy of granting near impunity. During yesterday's meeting of the Foreign Affairs Council, Ireland echoed these concerns, as well as our deep concerns regarding the catastrophic humanitarian situation in Gaza and the need for humanitarian access at scale and a ceasefire and a hostage release deal. Ireland was clear in reiterating the need for the EU to respond in an effective manner. Against this backdrop, it remains deeply unsatisfactory that no appropriate action has been taken by the European Commission as regards trade with illegal settlements in the face of such clear policy and legal imperatives. I again thank Deputy Brennan for his work and his contribution. He clearly knows where the Government stands on this issue, which is to progress this legislation as quickly as possible.

I thank the Minister of State. I warmly welcome her response. Please God, we need to prepare now for life after the ceasefire. When this brutality stops, the key words of the NGOs are to the effect that we need a permanent solution. If we do not get one, we are going to be back here again in six months' time. We must watch closely the set-up in that regard, but, first, there must be a ceasefire. I mentioned young people. As part of the recovery we must look at their mentality, or else we will have a world swarming with angry young men and women that have suffered in this conflict. They have lost everything. They will be angry because they are watching the world doing nothing. That is why it is so important that we continue to take the lead. We must do everything that is legally possible. If we have to challenge some of the facts, we will challenge them. In our lifetime, we have never witnessed anything on this scale. As a result, we cannot be found wanting in the context of our response to these atrocities. I honestly feel the momentum is on our side. There is 100% cross-party support in this House. Everybody cares about this situation, but mere words are no good now. The people over there are fed up of words. We can see the kids in college in America. They are starting the uprising. That is where it starts. We can see a change in momentum in Europe. It is not fast enough, but it is happening. I appeal for us to be at the forefront and continue to fight for peace and justice, and a permanent solution in Palestine.

I concur with the Deputy’s sentiments. His parting thoughts leaving at the weekend were of the young people and the mentality of the young people having suffered what they had suffered. Yesterday, during Leaders’ Questions, we discussed the occupied territories Bill. The Taoiseach talked how if it were not for media and social media, we would be blind to much of what was happening. However, we are not blind. We do know, we are aware and we cannot ignore. On a Europe-wide level, Ireland has been head and shoulders above the rest. That is not to say it has been all satisfactory by any manner or means. The Deputy’s sentiment today is not just about the Bill, but the future, the rebuilding of Palestine and the two-state solution, which is what we think the answer is. Once a ceasefire and two states are achieved, it will be a question of how to put the resources into rebuilding Palestine and finding a way for those young people to recover and rebuild their lives. It will not be easy but I think that Ireland and all of the representatives across this House, both in government and opposition, care deeply about this issue and will work might and main to make that happen.

Yet again this week, we have seen statements by US President Donald Trump in relation to bruising and punishing tariffs on European economies and, by extension, Ireland. The debate around tariffs has gone back and forth. Deadlines have been postponed, not met. However, we would be foolish to dismiss the risks to Ireland. For workers in the sectors most at risk, it is not an exaggeration to say that they hear such headlines and wonder about the future of their jobs, livelihoods and futures. They are in sectors such as dairy, agrifood, drinks, aviation, life sciences, medtech, pharma, tech, financial services and many more that have a large exposure to the US. In my own county of Cork, tens of thousands of people are employed in life sciences, medtech and pharma. While deadlines have been postponed in the past, there is no guarantee this will always be the case. The focus has to be on progress and achieving a deal to avoid the worst excesses of the potential of tariffs. Trade wars are bad for everyone. I do not believe they are in the interest of America or Europe, and the only way to win a trade war is to not be in one. We hope that cooler heads will prevail, but we must also have a clear eye. It may not come to pass, but we need to ensure we are prepared. Sinn Féin has warned for some time that the policies of successive Governments have left Ireland uniquely vulnerable to a change in the economic climate and to tariffs. That is due to Fine Gael and Fianna Fáil’s failure to invest in infrastructure, excessive reliance on tax incentives and failure to build up our indigenous industry. Our energy, transport, water and housing infrastructure is far behind where it should be. We are in a housing crisis of historic proportions and have renewable energy companies redirecting resources to other markets because we are so slow to get off the mark. If tariffs come to pass and begin to bite, we will regret the failure of successive Irish Governments to address those issues. The Government urgently needs to step up preparations for potential tariffs. The date of 1 August is two weeks away. The approach of the Government should include five key elements. We need to: ensure Irish interests in our key sectors are considered at the heart of the European Commission; diversify our trade because we are too reliant on too few markets; develop support schemes for businesses most affected; avoid tariff distortions between North and South; and, crucially, invest in infrastructure. To expand on using our voice at European level, we need to ensure that any European negotiating policy has a clear eye to what Ireland’s greatest areas of exposure are. It appears as if whiskey and aviation are still on the EU retaliatory list. That is a concern. Whiskey has been hit time and again. It is an industry that has grown considerably in recent years, and potentially faces immediate risks in the event of further increases in tariffs. Aviation is also an area where there is a huge Irish profile and significant impacts for the industry here. We need to diversify the markets we are trading with, with a view to future trade missions. While the US, Britain and Europe will always be our main trading partners for reasons of language, culture and so on, there is potential to deepen trade with countries such as Mexico, south-east Asia and other emerging markets. What the Government has been talking about is not ambitious enough. For businesses, the Government needs to prepare export facilitation supports, language supports and energy supports and examine export credit insurance. We need to invest in our infrastructure, where there is a huge gap. In addition, we need to ensure that the potential for distortions between North and South are avoided and there is good co-ordination with the Executive in that regard.

I thank the Deputy for his presentation. I concur, particularly with his opening piece on the vulnerabilities within Ireland. I disagree with him in the sense that he talked about the vulnerability. I sit on the trade forum established by the Tánaiste since the trade war, or the utterance of trade wars, began. All the Government agencies and State bodies, such as Fáilte Ireland and the IDA, as well as the IFA are around the table, working collaboratively in ensuring we are best prepared for whatever the future may hold. The vulnerability, in my humble opinion, is created by our geography more than anything else. We provide a gateway into Europe for all American companies in this land. We cannot change the geography but we can try to ensure that companies and businesses across this island are built with the resilience they need to cope with whatever we may face. That is certainly happening within the Government and with that collaboration piece I spoke about on the trade forum established by the Tánaiste. It is clear that one of the most immediate and serious challenges facing European policymakers today is the fundamental upheaval in the international trading system. The events of recent months have upended the trading order as we knew it, driven by a fundamental shift in how the world's largest economy has decided to conduct its trade policy, which is something we have no control over. Last weekend’s developments took place in that context. The letter from President Trump to President von der Leyen was deeply regrettable. A 30% tariff will have a significant effect on the Irish and wider European economies. It could be detrimental. However, the EU continues to negotiate with the US in good faith. The Deputy asked in his opening statement for cool heads. I think nothing else could be said of everybody around the European Union, given their cool, calm and reasonable approach against difficult headwinds. Notwithstanding the letter, the fact remains that the deadline for talks is 1 August. The EU is at the negotiating table and will remain there. Negotiations are at an advanced stage. Now is the time to redouble our efforts and seek to achieve positive results in the time available. The Government will continue to seek to protect our indigenous Irish businesses and our multinational companies from tariffs. As the Deputy also said in his opening gambit, tariffs are not just harmful to Irish companies. They are hugely harmful to the American economy as well. The Tánaiste is in ongoing communication with Commissioner Šefčovič and this will continue as we approach the deadline of 1 August. At the Foreign Affairs Council (Trade) on Monday, the Commissioner outlined what had been the EU’s strategy since the outset of this dispute, which was to continue negotiations while, at the same time, preparing rebalancing measures, should they be required. The Irish Government and other member states strongly support this approach. EU unity is our greatest strength in these negotiations. The Commission has shared a revised list for a possible second set of countermeasures. No formal proposal has been presented to member states for consideration at this point. Officials are examining the list against our known sensitivities. Tariffs imposed by either side will cause pain. However, it is unfortunately already the case that Irish and EU exports to the US have faced additional tariffs since April. Let us remember that, to date, the EU has not imposed any tariffs on US goods and we do not want to, but we must be prepared to act if negotiations are unsuccessful. This is the sensible and measured approach.

I return to the issue of vulnerabilities. It may be the case that the issue of new tariffs has come onto the table since the election of President Trump for the second time. It has returned to the agenda. Sinn Féin and others in the Opposition have made the case for many years that, even aside from tariffs, Ireland is vulnerable to a change in the economic climate because of the economic model we have. It has failed to diversify into new markets, and we are now talking about different trade agreements. The EU already has many free trade agreements in areas where we have a limited economic profile, including south-east Asia, southern Africa and South America. There are areas where there is huge potential for further growth. There is also our failure to build up our indigenous economy and to properly support that. Our businesses domestically have some of the highest energy costs in Europe. From small to medium to big businesses, it is a huge drag on their potential to grow and to expand into potential new markets. I have two particular questions. I will mention one market. While it is one of our traditional markets, an important question for Britain is the potential for an SPS agreement. Does the Minister of State have an update on that? More particularly, on the US, I understand the Tánaiste was due to meet the US ambassador yesterday. What was the outcome of those discussions? Is there any further update from those discussions on the US Administration's position? I understand also that the technical team, led by Maroš Šefčovič, was in Washington this week for a potential meeting with Secretary Lutnick, but certainly with senior officials in the US departments. Is it possible to get an update on the outcome of that meeting that has been relayed to the Irish Government?

The Tánaiste and other Ministers have been vocal and constructive voices at the table to ensure the EU's approach remains measured and appropriate. The Government's constant and consistent position has been, and remains, that we need substantive, calm, measured and comprehensive dialogue with the United States. This is also the position of the EU. Our objective remains to reach agreement on a mutually beneficial deal that works for both sides. A negotiated outcome is the best way forward and we are in close, ongoing contact with our EU counterparts at political and official levels as we approach the 1 August deadline. In the remaining time, the Government will continue to advocate for a deal that works for Ireland, Europe and the US. However, let me be absolutely clear that tariffs are economically damaging for all sides. They disrupt complex and highly integrated supply chains that benefit businesses, workers and consumers on both sides of the Atlantic. We will continue to pursue dialogue, to make the case to remove these tariffs and to assert our interests through the EU and directly with the United States. The Deputy has asked specific questions. I will try to get the information and revert with that. On market diversification, State bodies like the IDA and Enterprise Ireland are doing incredible work at the trade forum. Team Ireland is active on the ground in the United States. The diplomatic effort that is being made is not going unnoticed either.

I raise an issue that goes right to the heart of how we care for and support some of the most vulnerable children in our education system. It is the proposed redesignation of schools that currently cater for children with mild general learning disabilities, MGLDs. Earlier this year, I had the privilege of visiting Scoil Eoin in Crumlin, Dublin, where I met the principal, Debbie O'Neill, and the vice principal, Richie Doran. I also met the children and can say without any hesitation that the work done in Scoil Eoin is exceptional. Children with mild general learning disability are thriving in Scoil Eoin. The environment is calm, structured and welcoming. It is not just a place of learning. It is a place where children feel safe, supported and celebrated for who they are. That is thanks to the dedication of the staff and the right educational setting being provided in Scoil Eoin. Parents choose Scoil Eoin for their children because they believe, rightly, that it is the place where their children will be best supported. That parental choice is essential. As the mother of a child with a severe learning disability, I understand how important it is to find the right environment for a child to thrive and how devastating it is when those options are taken away. Yet Scoil Eoin is under enormous pressure to change its designation and to fold its supports into mainstream settings. This is not a neutral or technical change. This is a deeply consequential shift that risks dismantling the very structures that allow these children to succeed. There are now only 14 classes catering for children with mild general learning disability at post-primary level in the entire country. This is a staggering decline. It is not inclusion. It is exclusion through attrition. Let us be clear that these children, who may struggle in mainstream settings without the right supports, are more likely to become disengaged, drop out, suffer from poor mental health or even fall into the criminal justice system. This is not a risk we should be taking lightly. In contrast, students in schools like Scoil Eoin follow a level 2 learning programme, with many progressing to level 4 qualifications and going on to further education or employment. This is real and meaningful inclusion rooted in appropriate and specialist school settings. There is no justification for forcing these schools to change their designation. If the motivation is financial and it is cheaper to repurpose a school than build a new one, then we need to be honest about that. We must also be honest about what it will cost children and their families. Inclusion should not mean forcing every child into mainstream settings, regardless of whether it suits him or her. Inclusion means meeting each child where he or she is and giving that child the best chance to thrive. That requires a range of options, not fewer options. The Deputy is obviously a fine Minister of State, but I am disappointed that the line Minister is not here. I would have liked to have asked her if she would pause any plans to redesignate these schools and if she would commit to protecting and expanding the provision of schools and classes for children with mild general learning disability. Will she respect the voices of parents and teachers who are telling us clearly that the model is working and must be preserved?

I thank the Deputy for her emotional presentation. I know she is acutely aware of the requirements that should be in place. She has the experience of a school that is doing the job really well. As she asked, why fix something that is not broken? Her experience of this school has obviously been a positive one. The Government is committed to the provision of additional special school places for children with more complex educational needs. More than 300 new special school places have been and will be provided for in the coming 2025-2026 school year. Five new special schools are being established in addition to the 11 new special schools that opened over the past few years. Special school capacity has also been expanded across a number of existing special schools. It is important to note that it is not the intention to exclude children who require a special school place from accessing certain special school settings, but rather to allow children with complex additional educational needs apply for their local special schools. Currently, there are instances of children with complex needs not being able to apply for admission to their local special schools simply because they do not meet the narrow designation of those schools. In this regard, and along with providing additional special school capacity, the Department and the NCSE consider that it is necessary to look at the profile of our existing special schools. This is not a new departure. The NCSE reports that more than half of mild general learning disability special schools have diversified to allow children with more complex needs in their communities who require a special school setting to enrol in their local special schools. Many schools have worked with us to broaden their designations and this Department will continue to support schools in this endeavour so that more special schools can better support children with complex needs in their local communities. It is noted that many of the children enrolled in MGLD special schools do so around the transition point from primary to post-primary school. Historically, these children and young people may not have had a local post-primary special class available to them. Through the accelerated provision of new special classes in recent years some of these children and young people should now have the option of attending a local post-primary school with a special class. The new senior cycle level 1 and level 2 programmes offers a new curriculum pathway for students with additional and special educational needs at post-primary level also. The Department has asked post-primary schools to prepare and plan to provide at least four special classes each. The Deputy alluded to that in her opening statement - the decreased number of classes in secondary schools. I take on board everything the Deputy said today. I will relay her concern for this school and that it should not be, in any way, interfered with because the model works.

I do not take comfort in the response that the Minister of State has read out. Expanding the designation will break schools, such as Scoil Eoin, that are not currently broken. They are not failing; they are succeeding. That success is rooted in the fact that these are specialist environments led by professionals who have committed their lives to special education. I saw it myself. I met the staff and the children. There are real stories and real lives, and there is real progress being made in schools such as Scoil Eoin. Inclusion must not be used as a cover for rationalisation or as a reason to take something away from children who need it most. I urge the Minister of State to respect parental choice, to listen to the voices of educators, such as Ms O'Neill and Mr. Doran, and to halt any plans that would dismantle the essential part of the education system. We need more settings like Scoil Eoin, not fewer. This is not about moving resources around. This is about building a system that truly supports all our children, including children with acute learning disabilities and those with moderate learning disabilities. Let us not allow these children to become invisible. Let us protect spaces, such as Scoil Eoin, because we know they are thriving.

Deputy Ardagh has made the case well for Scoil Eoin. It is important that we, as public representatives, who have the opportunity to listen to the real-life stories of parents and teachers, such as in Scoil Eoin relay that to Department officials as well as the Deputy's sense that to make any change will dismantle something that works, that is good and that is providing the care and the educational atmosphere needed for these children to thrive, to be welcomed and, as she said, to be included. We all have a responsibility and the Deputy is taking that responsibility seriously. I will relay that to the Minister, Deputy McEntee, and ask that further negotiations, or at least further talks, be held with Scoil Eoin and that the experience of the teachers and the parents is number one in terms of any changes that may be pre-empted.

I will start by paying tribute to a good friend of mine who passed away suddenly this month a year ago, after I was elected a councillor. There is a memorial service for him this weekend. He was a member of the Social Democrats and we served on the national executive of the party together. He was born in Britain of Nigerian and Ghanaian descent and he was deeply committed to making this island of ours better. His name was Kodzo Selormey and he was a patriot in an era when people who lay claim to that word have no sense of its real meaning. I wanted to honour his memory today at the close of this Dáil term because it is likely I would not be speaking here in the people's Parliament today but for his hard work and friendship and the spirit he shared with all of us in the Social Democrats to make this a country for everyone. I was deeply concerned last week, listening to the chairperson of ALONE, Seán Moynihan, speaking about the housing crisis and the extent of its effects on older people. So much of the discussion around housing focuses on the typical young couple stuck renting or in their childhood bedroom unable to get on the ladder. Knowing many of those people personally, I expected to hear those stories when I entered politics. What shocked me, however, was meeting people since I entered public life in their 40s, 50s and 60s in terrible and hopeless circumstances paying extortionate rents with no prospect of ownership. The latest census shows an 83% rise in renters over the age of 65. Some 42% of all older people renting face significant stress from renting in the private sector due to concerns about the instability of their housing. We know from the number of renters in their 40s and 50s that this will only increase. I recently spoke with a constituent in his 60s living in a studio apartment who was deeply worried about the proposed changes to the rental protections and what they might mean for him as he approaches retirement age. I say "retirement age" and not "retirement" because he is now convinced he will never be able to retire. He will not be able to afford his rent on his pension and is terrified of the hikes to come from this Government's policies. He has been told to deplete his savings, so that he can access social housing. Is this what we are telling people now? Are we asking people who have worked their whole lives who do not have an asset to their name to squander what little they have saved so that we can create a generation of destitute pensioners on housing assistance payment, HAP, and on housing lists? I heard from another older couple in my constituency dealing with a devastating cancer diagnosis and a progressively worsening prognosis when they were dealt with yet another blow in the form of an eviction notice. Can you imagine what it is like to deal with the enormous challenges of such a diagnosis arriving precisely at the time that you are told you will lose your home? I spoke with another older couple who are dedicated to helping the most vulnerable people in our community in a local hospital and doing this while caring for their son with a developmental language disorder. They suffered a no-fault eviction by their previous landlord and their rent for a two-bedroom apartment doubled overnight. Their savings are now draining away, as they rent at the expense of their future and the future of their child. The story that shocked me the most on the campaign trail was that of a professional woman in her 50s with a well-paid job in an American multinational whose extortionate rents have left her and her family with no prospect of homeownership in Dublin. What began as a singular crisis in housing is now resulting in a cascade of social calamities, a catastrophe that affects everyone in society, and none more than people who are already vulnerable and marginalised and bear the brunt of pre-existing social problems. What do I say to these people? How do I tell my constituents that the Government has sacrificed them on an altar of greed? How do I explain to them that the Government's housing policy will not save them, nor will their pension, nor will the private market on which the Government is so reliant? What hope can the Minister of State give them now in their moment of despair?

I thank Deputy Hayes for raising this important issue today. The clear focus of this Government is to increase the supply of new build social and affordable homes to buy or rent. There is a record level of investment being provided for the delivery of housing in 2025, with overall capital funding available of €6.8 billion. The capital provision is supplemented by a further €1.65 billion in current funding to address housing need. This funding will support the delivery of increased numbers of social housing and cost-rental homes. On 10 June 2025, the Government approved new policy measures to provide for the enhancement of rent controls and tenancy protections from 1 March 2026. The stronger tenancy protections will provide further improvements to security of tenure. The rental sector provides a home for a significant proportion of the population and we need to give people more certainty that their tenancy will not be ended. We want to provide more stability and confidence in this area. The programme for Government includes a number of commitments related to the supply of housing for older people. I have been appointed to a role where for the first time there is a stand-alone Minister with responsibility for older people in both the Departments of housing and health and it is something I am very committed to in terms of housing for older people. As I said, the programme for Government includes a number of commitments related to the supply of housing for older people. This commits to increasing housing options and choices available to older people to facilitate ageing in place with dignity and independence. Work on these commitments is ongoing within a policy group recently established within my Department, by me as Minister, to look at the progressing and implementation of these commitments. This work will be advanced through specific measures in the new housing plan that is currently being prepared by my Department. Under the housing assistance payment scheme and the rental accommodation scheme, local authorities also continue to provide critical housing supports by enabling access to accommodation within the private rented market for eligible households, including older people. My Department provides capital funding to local authorities and approved housing bodies to support the delivery of social homes in their area, including for older people. Under the social housing investment programme, my Department provides up to 100% of the costs where local authorities build or acquire homes and apartments for social housing use. Under the capital assistance scheme, my Department provides up to 100% capital funding to approved housing bodies to provide new social homes for priority categories to include homeless people, disability and housing for older people. From 2020 to 2024, 514 units for older people were delivered under the capital assistance scheme, CAS, by providing purpose-designed age-friendly homes. Furthermore, CALF funding is capital support provided to AHBs by local authorities to facilitate the funding of construction, acquisition or refurbishment of new social housing units which may also accommodate older people. Meeting the housing needs of all households, including older people, continues to be a priority for this Government. We will continue our focus on the delivery of homes to provide a range of choices which meets the diverse needs of the ageing population, spanning owner-occupier, private rental and social housing. I did not know the man Deputy Hayes made reference to. Was his name Kodzo?

His name was Kodzo Selormey.

I join in acknowledging his recent passing. He was obviously someone very close to the Deputy. I am utterly committed to housing for all people. For me, it about providing choice. I take this very seriously and I am actively progressing and working on it. As the Deputy said, our demographic is evolving and we will have an older population. We have to bring a range of choices across the spectrum for older people and I want to work on that with all sides of the House. It is hugely important and very much a priority for this Government.

I appreciate the Minister of State's commitment to this area and I do not doubt his sincerity but, like every single occupant of his office before him, he has been sent out with prepared remarks to defend the indefensible. He and this Government unfailingly refuse to reckon with the enormity of the problem in housing. The Government is tinkering around the edges of failed policies while the situation deteriorates even further, leaving in its wake a litany of shattered dreams for individuals and their families who want nothing more than security and a safe place to call home. Can we call building 500 homes in four years, which was the figure the Minister of State just cited, a success? The longer this goes on, with more and more people in these precarious housing situations, the greater the chance that the vicissitudes of life, such as a cancer diagnosis, bereavement or loss of income, will come at the same time as an eviction notice, a rent hike or another hair-brained Government policy that only makes life more difficult, more stressful and devastating for my constituents and their reasonable desires for a dignified life. As all these problems continue to compound, there will be multiple generations for whom it will be too late as they will find themselves either unable to retire or being turfed out onto the street. When will this Government wake up and come to terms with the fact that what is required now are 1930s and 1940s levels of public investment and State-led development on a massive scale? We need to reject the neoliberal developer-led model this Government has an addiction to. We often hear about how our ageing population is creating a timebomb in our pensions system but the failures in housing policy have become so entrenched that the current Cabinet, like every previous Cabinet, has lit the fuse early for those without a home. We now have several cohorts ageing through the crisis, missing every milestone on the road to housing and long-term financial security, and this Government is failing them completely. It seems no matter who you are or what your story is, there is no escaping this crisis. Nobody is safe from this Government's housing policy, even the elderly and the Minister of State's party's voters. It will fall to parties like mine to clean up this mess.

I again thank Deputy Hayes for raising this important matter. I listened carefully to the points he raised. The Government is working diligently in conjunction with key stakeholders, particularly local authorities and approved housing bodies, to increase delivery of housing for older people. We also want to work with the private sector because everyone has a part to play in the delivery of housing, including for older people. The clear focus of this Government is to increase the supply of new builds and affordable homes to buy or rent. As I stated, a record level of investment is being provided in 2025, with capital funding of €6.8 billion supplemented by a further €1.65 billion in current funding allocated to address housing need. The Programme for Government: Securing Ireland's Future includes a number of commitments to deliver practical housing options for positive ageing. It commits to increasing the housing options available to older people to facilitate ageing in place with dignity and independence. As I stated, work on these commitments is ongoing, with a policy group recently established in the Department of housing to look at proposals on how best to progress them. Crucially, consideration of these proposals will feed into development of the new housing plan being progressed in the Department of housing. These proposals will set out a pathway to develop practical housing options for positive ageing to meet the housing needs of our growing and ageing population. For me, it is all about choice when it comes to older people. Like any group, they will have differing needs. It is about providing a range of choices which allows older people to make their own decisions on where they wish to live. This could mean continuing to live where they are, moving to a smaller unit, independent living or supported living. My role in the Departments of Health and housing is to ensure older people have all the supports in housing and health they need to enable them to make those choices and decisions.