Middle East
2. Deputy Sinéad Gibney asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade whether his Department has had engagement with, or diplomatic representations from, US counterparts around the exclusion of services from the Control of Economic Activity (Occupied Territories) Bill 2018; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [38290/25]
My question is on whether the Tánaiste's Department has had engagement with or diplomatic representations from US counterparts around the exclusion of services from the Control of Economic Activity (Occupied Territories) Bill 2018. Last week, the Taoiseach said in comments to the media that the aim of the OTB must be to pressure Israel to end the war in Gaza and not "disadvantage Ireland unduly". He made special reference to some US states that have anti-boycott legislation. Has the US been pressuring the Government on this? Are we only happy to fulfil our obligations so long as it costs us nothing? That is the context in which I ask this.
I thank Deputy Gibney for the question. As she will be aware, the Government carried out an extensive analysis and review of the occupied territories Bill 2018, as it was then, late last year. The Government’s analysis, shared with the Oireachtas at the time, was that substantive amendments would be required to most, if not all, of the provisions of that Bill in order to bring it in line with our Constitution and to try to ensure it could withstand an EU challenge, should that arise, and be compatible with EU law.
On 24 June, the Government approved the general scheme of the Israeli settlements in the occupied Palestinian territory (prohibition of importation of goods) Bill 2025. The general scheme has now been referred to the Oireachtas Committee on Foreign Affairs and Trade for pre-legislative scrutiny, which I think began last week. The Bill, if enacted, will deliver on a commitment in the programme for Government to progress legislation in this area following the ICJ advisory opinion.
With regard to services, the heads of Bill, or the general scheme, do not prohibit trade in services with natural or legal persons located in Israeli settlements in the occupied Palestinian territory. As I have said, I remain open-minded on that. Legal clarity is now needed - and I know the committee has been teasing through this - on whether it is possible to include services. I have asked the Attorney General to advise on this.
Engagement with third-country counterparts is a central part of my work and that of my officials in the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade. Such engagement routinely includes exchanges on issues relevant to the bilateral relationship between Ireland and the country concerned. The new Israeli settlements Bill has not been the subject of my recent political engagements with US interlocutors.
The question was about the last Bill.
I have not had engagement with anybody recently on the new Bill but given the significant level of public interest in it, several international partners, including the United States and a number of European and like-minded countries, have expressed an interest in the Bill and the Government’s approach more generally. My officials have engaged with them on the matter, including briefing them on the Government’s position.
I will get a chance to come back in a moment but it is a known statement of fact that the previous US ambassador, for example, wrote to me, as Taoiseach at the time, expressing a view in relation to the Bill. Ireland takes every opportunity internationally to outline our position including engaging with interlocutors. However, that will have no effect or impact on decisions we make in proceeding with legislation that we feel strongly on.
I am not totally clear. The Tánaiste mentioned interactions with the ambassador but perhaps he could clarify exactly the extent of the diplomatic interactions he had with the US. I am specifically asking about the previous Bill, not this one.
Sure, absolutely.
My concern relates to whether we are saying that the wishes of the House and the Irish people on this matter are subservient to legislation passed in, say, Alabama or New Jersey and whether we are unwilling to fulfill our obligations under international law because state-level law in another country means it might cost us something. When it comes to international trade and sanctioning of Ireland on this, we are properly protected from rebuke by EU-level reciprocity of sanctions. I must say clearly here in this Chamber that when it comes to fulfilling our obligations under the UN Charter and the genocide convention, there is no caveat that says it does not apply if it will cost you. Some of the worst violations of international law are very lucrative. We do not engage with them because they are illegal and because they are wrong, and that again is the context in which I ask these questions.
I very much appreciate the context. Let me be very clear: the Government intends to progress with this legislation. I also have an open mind about services. Both of those situations remain factually true and very clear in my mind, and clear in the view of the Government. However, as an Oireachtas we want to pass legislation fully informed, with our eyes wide open. That is why it is really important, and it is not for me to interfere, that the Oireachtas committee is going to hear from people with different perspectives and different views. That is an important thing to do. Of course my Department has a responsibility for representing Ireland externally. Of course we are going to continue to engage, explain our position and also be aware of the compatibility of our law and how it is viewed in other people's countries. That is an appropriate thing to do. We are very clear that this is not a Bill that boycotts Israel. It is a Bill that prohibits trade with illegally occupied territories in line with the International Court of Justice, ICJ, advisory opinion, and it is very appropriate and important that our embassy network make that point. Our embassy team in the United States would of course interlock with its counterparts there. That is appropriate and it should continue to do that.
I am glad the Tánaiste clarified that. That is exactly the case. The occupied territories Bill is not designed to stop the genocide in Gaza. It would simply put pressure on Israel but its actual function, as drafted in 2018, long before the current genocide erupted 18 months ago, is to cease trade with illegal settlements on stolen land. We all know that. Whether the US or a US state likes it or not should not inhibit us in prohibiting the trade of stolen goods and services.
I understand the Tánaiste taking into account how to support business in the wider context of tariffs. However, I am asking the Government to be clear that it is not a justification for not complying with international law and banning trade with the settlements. I have to say that again and again, on various topics but on this area in particular, that what is put forward is that we have to consider Irish jobs and the economy, but we have to prioritise the moral obligation that we have to cease the genocide. For me, that means that we set in place a Bill right now to stop trade with Israel that includes services. I am terrified of the domino effect that we are going to set off if we do not include services. Because Ireland is the first country that is doing it, it will mean that every country that follows also introduces weak legislation.
First, I appreciate the Deputy's acknowledgement that Ireland is the first country that is doing it. That, in and of itself, is interesting, in that there is not another country in the European Union that has published any draft legislation on that. Now, weeks on from when we published our legislation, with goods or services, they have not produced any legislation. That is interesting in and of itself. However, the Government has an obligation to our citizens to tease through the consequences of all legislation. That does not mean the Government or the Oireachtas changes its mind, but we are meant to vote on matters with our eyes wide open. We are meant to be aware of how our legislation will be viewed and the legality of it. That is an important part of the work of my Department in engaging with interlocutors abroad. It does not change our position. We have a vastly different view from the United States of America and particularly the current Administration in relation to the ICJ and the genocide in Gaza. All of that is true. We are progressing with this legislation.
However, the question was clearly asking me whether my Department had had engagement with or diplomatic representation with US counterparts around the exclusion of services. The answer is "No", not specifically around the exclusion of services. As for whether it had engagement on the previous Bill, if I can call it that, the 2018 Bill, it did, and it will have engagement with the current Bill. That is the case not just with the United States but also with many European countries in the hope that it might inspire them to legislate too.
International Relations
3. Deputy Donnchadh Ó Laoghaire asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade if Ireland will be represented at the emergency ministerial conference in defence of international law and the rights of the Palestinian people on 15 and 16 July 2025 in Bogotá. [38024/25]
An emergency meeting next week in Bogotá has been called by the Republic of Colombia and the Republic of South Africa. It will be attended by a variety of countries concerned at the current situation and the breaches of human rights. They include Spain, Portugal, Uruguay and many others. It has been called in response to the escalating violations of international law in the occupied Palestinian territory. Will the Irish Government be represented?
The very short answer is that we will. Both I and my officials interact with a wide variety of international partners on the Middle East. This remains a major priority for the Government and, I know, for the people of Ireland, who are rightly repulsed by what they see happening, particularly in Gaza but also in the West Bank. Ireland’s engagement is guided by our long-standing and principled position, notably respect for international law, respect for the equal right to self-determination, peace, security and dignity for Palestinians and Israelis alike, and unwavering support for the two-state solution. While Ireland is not a member of the group referred to by the Deputy, as he knows, the Government is committed to working with all partners around the world in service of these objectives.
Ireland will be represented at an official level from our embassy at the meeting in Bogotá next week, on 15 and 16 July. At the EU level, the situation in Israel and Palestine remains a standing item on the Foreign Affairs Council each month. The next meeting of the Foreign Affairs Council will also take place on 15 July, where this will be discussed again. Ireland has been centrally involved in the work of the Global Alliance for the Implementation of the Two-State Solution, which was founded at UN high-level week last year and has met several times since then. Across all of our bilateral and multilateral engagement, Ireland has consistently underlined the need for all parties to comply with international law, including international humanitarian law. Ireland is a steadfast supporter of the International Criminal Court - I want to say that because this is a court coming under incredible attack - as well as being a supporter of the principles and values enshrined in the Rome Statute.
My overarching priority, and the overarching priority of the Government, is to contribute to a co-ordinated and consolidated effort by the international community as a whole to support a return to a ceasefire, a hostage release agreement and a surge of humanitarian access into Gaza. This all makes it possible to safeguard the two-state solution and to work towards the return of the Palestinian Authority to Gaza in accordance with UN Security Council Resolution 2735 and to uphold the equal right to self-determination, peace, security and dignity for Israelis and Palestinians alike.
I look forward to the Government being represented at official level in Bogotá next week.
I welcome that. I thank the Department and the Tánaiste for ensuring that is the case. It is important. The approach required is to ensure Ireland is using its voice collaboratively with countries internationally and individually. The Tánaiste has articulated that in the past. There are far more actions domestically that we could take undoubtedly, and we have had many discussions on that, but the international component is vital. The Tánaiste made the point in relation to the occupied territories legislation. Many countries attending that event would be sympathetic to potentially advancing legislation of this kind that might expand the potential impact of that type of legislative approach.
One of the biggest issues at the moment, although far from the only one, is the killing of people who are waiting for humanitarian aid. It is appalling. That accounts for about 80% of the people who have been killed in recent weeks. I regret to say that some cover was given to the Israeli Government by Kaja Kallas a number of months ago by her attitude towards UNRWA, which was reprehensible.
There are a couple of things there. First, the Deputy is right; quite a few like-minded countries may well consider looking at what we have done here and introducing their own domestic legislation. What I was trying to say in response to the last question is that we are in contact with quite a number of European countries that are inquiring as to our legislation, and I hope others will join us in publishing their own domestic legislation. We would all rather act at an EU level, although we know that has not made the progress we collectively would want it to make. In the meantime, member states can consider what domestic remedies are available to them through their own legislation. It is a narrow path, but we believe the ICJ advisory opinion provides a path as well.
The big priority right now has to be a ceasefire. The Deputy is right in saying the humanitarian aid is beyond urgent and the release of the hostages is beyond urgent too. I believe some progress is being made in the ceasefire talks. I met the Qatari Prime Minister on this last week. However, those talks need to deliver a resolution. In relation to the European position, Kaja Kallas and the likes, of course the European Union has significantly increased its contribution to UNRWA at a time when other parts of the world have walked away.
I would nonetheless make the point that the rhetoric employed by her and her office at that early juncture gave political cover to the Israeli Government and the US to undermine the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine, UNRWA, and put in place their own position.
I welcome the fact we will be attending the emergency meeting because it is important to work with other countries. I will ask the Tánaiste to respond to two final points. I know the granting of visas is strictly a competency of the Department of justice but they are processed through the Department of foreign affairs. It is disappointing that the visas for the representatives of the Lajee Cultural Center and GAA Palestine have not been processed. Some of this is about political will and involves contacting the organisation, working through whatever issues exist and ensuring they are worked through quickly. That must happen in the context of the appeal because these are vitally important initiatives. I urge the Tánaiste to work through that with the Department of justice.
I ask the Tánaiste to respond to the extraordinary announcement last night by the US Secretary of State, Marco Rubio, in respect of sanctions on the UN special rapporteur, Francesca Albanese. That kind of direct attack on a UN special rapporteur is appalling.
I agree with the Deputy on the last point. Any attacks or sanctions on UN representatives are attacks not just on them but on multilateralism. Ireland remains a steadfast supporter of the work of the United Nations and the special rapporteur. It is a deeply concerning development.
On the issue of visas, the Deputy is right that it is a competency of my colleague, the Minister for justice. I am, however, ad idem with him on this, as is the Government. Every system must have rules. The awarding of visas must be done in accordance with strict criteria, including issues around ensuring child protection documentation and the likes, for very good reasons. I do not overly want to comment on individual applications other than to say that appeals processes are available to anyone. I am sure many will consider that.
Middle East
4. Deputy Ruth Coppinger asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade on his recent engagements with other states regarding the genocide in Gaza; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [38251/25]
What interaction has the Tánaiste had with other states, particularly in the EU, about Gaza? His colleagues in the EU Parliament will today apparently endorse Ursula von der Leyen despite her complete approval of the genocide that is taking place. She made comments about Israel's right to defend itself at a time when the Tánaiste has recognised that a genocide is taking place. Ireland will row in and support Ursula von der Leyen in the Parliament today on a vote of confidence.
I also want to ask about the visas.
Today's censure motion in the European Parliament is a stunt by the far right and people that the President of the European Commission has referred to as "Putin's puppets". They are seeking to divide Europe at this time. I am disappointed to see the far left lining up with the far right on this issue. The censure motion, by the way, has nothing whatsoever to do with Gaza. As the Deputy knows, it relates to a different issue around a ruling relating to text messages. The impact of the censure motion would be that Maroš Šefčovič, the EU Trade Commissioner, to whom I hope to talk later today, would be out of a job. Our very excellent Commissioner from Ireland, Michael McGrath from Cork, would be out of a job. The entire European Commission would be out on its ear. To even fathom for a moment that it is an intelligent thing to do at a time of huge global instability is pathetic politics. That is my strong and clear view in that regard.
On the Middle East, I absolutely believe what is happening to the people of Gaza is a genocide, as do the Taoiseach and the Irish Government. We have been clear in that regard. Of course, the Middle East, as a region, is experiencing major instability with multiple crises and conflicts, many of which are interrelated. The situation in Gaza is appalling and deteriorating. Those words do not capture the situation. That was an understatement. The same is true of the situation in the West Bank. These remain a central focus of my engagement and that of the Minister of State, Deputy Thomas Byrne, with the EU and other international counterparts.
Ireland has consistently condemned the ongoing activities of Israel in Gaza. The current volume and pace of aid delivered into Gaza under Israel's so-called partial lifting of the blockade remains extraordinarily insufficient to meet the needs of Gaza's entire population. As Deputy Ó Laoghaire reminded us, we have seen people killed while queuing for aid. I share the concerns of the United Nations and other credible international actors that the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation is not operating in accordance with any humanitarian principles or law.
I welcome the fact that ceasefire talks are under way. I had the opportunity to speak to the Qatari Prime Minister and foreign minister in Dublin last week. I commend the role of mediators and their efforts to secure progress. Ireland has repeatedly, both bilaterally and at a multilateral level, called on Israel to comply with international law, stressing the universal applicability of international law.
Given all the Tánaiste has said about recognising there is a genocide and our State's recognition of the Palestinian state, how can we refuse visas to children who are coming here to escape the bombardment in Gaza? Moataz Sarsour GAA Club has been refused visas. From talking and writing with the people involved, I know they have complied on multiple occasions with all the requests of the Department of justice. They have said they found it completely unprofessional and bureaucratic and thought barriers were being put in their way.
We have failed to give medical evacuation to Palestinian children-----
No, we have not.
-----who were promised care. The Government has stalled the treatment of 18 children from Palestine. The Tánaiste can clarify the situation, but it seems as if it has been stalled because those children may be bringing siblings with them. There seems to be an appalling attitude to getting people over here. I have, for example, tried to get the wife of a citizen and constituent over here. That man is a doctor. I have been told to go through the normal process. Is there no extra help for people coming from Gaza, given what is happening there?
There are a couple of things there. These are all important issues. On the medical evacuation of children from Gaza, we are fully committed. Genuinely and truthfully, there is an absolute commitment. We have committed to four groups of children. Two have come already and two more are due. The original ask, for the want of a better phrase, was one child accompanied by one parent or guardian. In practice, that does not always work. Going from memory, we have seen 12 children coming in but a total of 45 people in the round. We have gone beyond, if you like, one plus one for good humanitarian reasons. The Ministers for Health and justice have indicated that they just want absolute clarity. It will not cause a delay. I have been assured of that, and have spoken to my Department in this regard. Officials have been in touch with our people in the region. I have spoken to the Ministers for Health and justice. The Taoiseach and I discussed the issue on Monday night. We are fully committed to the medical evacuation programme.
On the issue of visas, we absolutely do grant visit visas but each visa application must be decided on its own merits. When children are being brought here, we must comply with child protection laws. There is ongoing engagement in that regard and the appeal process is open to anybody.
It seems mealy-mouthed in the extreme to call it a genocide when, as one of the richest countries in the world, with a massive budget surplus and health service, a basic thing we could do is to treat some of these children who have suffered the most appalling treatment. They are now being checked repeatedly to ensure that only one person is coming with them. This is terrible.
Why is this GAA club facing these barriers? The Tánaiste cited child protection. The GAA itself has comprehensive child protection rules. We opened up for American Football and all sorts of other things in recent times. These children are coming to participate in a well-known institution in this country. They are coming to visit Croke Park and play matches but their visas are being stalled. From speaking on, and listening to, the radio, we know they would have complied with all of the requests.
They have not.
Why should doctors who are trying to escape from Gaza have to go through the normal process? Can we not give some extra help?
Those are two distinct issues. For medical evacuations, we are not saying it is one plus one. There has not been a one plus one scenario. Twelve children have arrived. In a one plus one scenario, that would mean the arrival of 24 people. More than 40 people have arrived so far through that programme.
I do not want to be too argumentative on a sensitive issue but there must be rules and checks. The reality is that if there are children from far-flung parts of the world travelling to this country with adults, some of whom are not their parents, there need to be legitimate checks in respect of child protection. I do not think any immigration system in the world would grant visas without satisfying itself in respect of visa applications for minors. There are issues around birth certificates and consent letters. These are important things. We cannot just tear up the rule book when it comes to migration. There do have to be rules in place. Of course we will work with people but the rules apply in relation to visas. Ireland is not just tearing up its migration system or its rules in this regard.
Trade Agreements
5. Deputy Donnchadh Ó Laoghaire asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade his position regarding potential increased tariffs with regard to the US; and the preparations being made for same. [38025/25]
Another week has brought another dramatic statement from President Trump. It is hard to interpret what will happen with his announcement of potential 200% tariffs on pharmaceuticals. We can all guess and gauge how accurate it is. People who work in pharmaceutical companies, life sciences and all these sectors are concerned. The direction of travel is in a particular direction. It is vital that we are alive to it and respond to it.
What is the Government's response in preparation for the potential impact of tariffs and retaliatory measures?
I thank the Deputy Ó very much for raising this because he is right that the EU-US negotiations are now at a critical juncture. Our position, I think across party lines, has been clear as a country. Tariffs threaten the hugely successful EU-US and Ireland-US economic relationship. They are bad for businesses, consumers and workers, and they are bad on both sides of the Atlantic.
Since April, many Irish exports to the US have been subject to an additional 10% tariff - that is in place today - and the imposition of these tariffs has had a negative impact on all types of businesses from multinational companies to small and medium enterprises and microenterprises. The extension of the deadline for the end of the US pause on higher tariffs from this Wednesday, 9 July until Friday, 1 August allows for further time for negotiations to continue, which is welcome. It would be much better to have an agreement, or at least a framework agreement, but it is welcome. It gives an indication that even President Trump realises he needs a deal with the European Union too. He cannot just ignore €4.5 billion worth of trade across the Atlantic Ocean in both directions each and every day. The European Commission is working towards reaching an agreement as soon as possible in advance of that deadline. We should not wait until 1 August. I hope to have conversations with the EU trade Commissioner in the coming hours. The EU's and Ireland's objective has always been to find a fair, balanced, mutually beneficial negotiated solution. The intention has been to limit the impact of the existing 10% baseline tariff but also to avoid additional tariffs being introduced. We want to reach an agreement in principle that provides certainty and then allows for more work to be done on zero for zero in as many sectors as possible. As the Deputy knows, we are doing a lot of this work through the Government Trade Forum, which is attended by senior Ministers and business representatives. Last Wednesday, I chaired the sixth meeting of the forum, which focused on protecting Irish jobs and our economy.
I will talk about pharma specifically because the Deputy asked about it. This is an area where there is uncertainty at the moment. The European position is very clear. The relationship is interdependent. We have global supply chains and patients. We need to work together with the EU and the US. A huge focus of our attention, both as a country and a European Union, will be on the pharma sector. I will come back with further detail on that.
That is very important. A related but not identical by any means sector is life sciences and orthopaedics. This is another sector in which Ireland has a very significant footprint and which, unlike pharmaceuticals, is already affected by the 10% in that area. I would ask whether that has had an impact as of yet.
I will briefly flag two sectors which, because they involve items that are on the shelf, do not have the same lead-in and are probably particularly vulnerable in the short run, that is, agrifood and, in particular, dairy products, and drink, including whiskey. They are very vulnerable sectors as well to any potential impacts. In terms of the reciprocal tariffs, some progress has been made on the dairy side but perhaps less so on the whiskey side. Preparation on this needs to step up. The examination of potential supports for individual businesses is needed, whether it is export facilitation or whatever. Where is that at?
We will shortly bring our action plan on market diversification to Cabinet. That is a joint initiative between my Department and the Department of enterprise. Of course, as part of that, we will have to look at how we can help Irish companies looking to export to new markets too. The priority at the moment is to try to minimise the impact of tariffs, however. We have published our economic impact assessment through the Department of Finance. In my letter to Maroš Šefčovič on reciprocal tariffs, I specifically referenced agrifood, aviation, med tech and pharma as key areas of concern from an Irish perspective. On pharma specifically, the US section 232 national security investigation into the import of pharmaceuticals, semi-conductors and commercial aircraft and jet engines is ongoing. I spoke to the US trade representative, ambassador Jamieson Greer, and made the point that we should seek to work together on pharma, and we can do something mutually beneficial. US pharma companies need access to a market of 460 million people in the EU. He did say to me on that call that the US was open to creative solutions, so those dialogues continue.
I will raise two more issues, the first of which I have raised in briefings with the Tánaiste's officials and, in fairness, they are well aware of the importance of it. From an Irish point of view, the potential for distortions between North and South is a very particular risk that we face. It is not in anyone's interest. We could have a seesaw-type effect that might favour one side of the Border at another stage but, ultimately, it would create a distortion because that could flip. Many products travel across the Border multiple times before they hit the shop shelves.
The other issue is one on which to proceed with caution and with our eyes wide open because of the fraught history relating to it. When these functions were still with the Department of enterprise, the Minister of State at the time, Deputy Calleary, responded to a question on export credit insurance and whether there was a need for a State-backed scheme. Ireland is unusual in not having this for historical reasons. At the time, the position was that the private market was covering enough. The situation has changed a bit in the past three or four years. What is the Government's position on such insurance?
I have not received any advice on changing that position but on foot of this, let me give it some consideration and come back to the Deputy.
On the North-South elements, co-operation is excellent. I interact with the Deputy's party colleague and one of my counterparts, Economy Minister, Dr. Caoimhe Archibald, on a regular basis, and the deputy First Minister of Northern Ireland. We discussed the issue of trade and tariffs at the North-South Ministerial Council in County Armagh recently and also in our bilateral meetings at the British-Irish Council, also held in the North the week before that. There is, therefore, ongoing engagement at both official and political level, as there should be.
On the issue of briefings, I reiterate that my Department remains available and will continue to provide briefings to all interested Oireachtas Members and, of course, to the Deputy, Opposition parties and, indeed, the Chairman of the Joint Committee on Foreign Affairs and Trade, as appropriate, because we are in a time of huge uncertainty and we need to continue to provide the latest information across the House as it becomes available.
Foreign Policy
6. Deputy John Lahart asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade for a report on his engagement with other EU member states with regard to Russia's war of aggression against Ukraine; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [38587/25]
I want to ask the Tánaiste about the special tribunal for the crime of aggression against Ukraine, which we hope will be able to investigate and prosecute senior government and military leaders responsible for the crime of aggression up to and including heads of state. He might update the House in that regard.
I will begin this reply regarding Ukraine and Russia by saying that the latest information I received from our embassy in Kyiv is that it has been a particularly difficult 48-hour period. Ukraine came under large-scale drone and missile attacks again last night. According to President Zelenskyy, 18 missiles and 400 drones were deployed by Russia over a period of ten hours, targeting at least six oblasts as well as Kyiv city. In Kyiv, very loud explosions were heard for an extended period during the night and damage has been reported in at least five districts of Kyiv, including the district in which the Irish Embassy is located. At least two people are reported to have been killed in the city, and 16 injured. I am pleased that all our embassy staff are safe but, of course, very tired after a very difficult night. Residential buildings, cars, warehouses, offices and non-residential premises were set on fire. I believe the papal nuncio has now reported light damage to the Holy See chancery, most likely caused by a drone explosion nearby. I want to share that information with the House because Putin talks about peace and all of this sort of stuff, and this is what goes on in reality. We have two presidents - one who is willing to accept a ceasefire without condition to try to get into substantive peace talks, and one who keeps on avoiding that reality. Last night was really a night of horror for many people in Kyiv. I want to thank our ambassador, Jonathan Conlon, and his team. The Minister of State, Deputy Thomas Byrne, and I engage on this on a very regular basis. I am pleased they are all safe and grateful for their service but horrified at what is happening.
Our support for Ukraine is steadfast. It remains a key focus of our engagement with EU counterparts bilaterally and, of course, in Brussels. This war, and the threat posed by Russia, is not only an existential issue for Ukraine but we see it as a major challenge to the security of Europe. It is right, therefore, that support for Ukraine remains a top priority for the European Union.
Russian aggression features prominently on the monthly agenda of the Foreign Affairs Council where ministers are regularly joined by the Ukrainian foreign minister to hear directly about the situation on the ground and about Ukraine's most pressing needs. This is an important forum for discussion with my EU counterparts on how we enhance support for Ukraine so that it can defend against and deter future Russian aggression.
What is interesting from listening to the debates here in the past week is the criticism of the Government about its stance on the Iranian regime from some of the far left voices in the House and a complete ignorance about who supplies an awful lot of these drones to Russia to continuously attack a part of Europe.
I understand the special tribunal I referred to in the question is the first international judicial body since the Second World War with jurisdiction to investigate and prosecute individuals regardless of their position suspected of committing the crime of aggression. The establishment of the tribunal marks the culmination of years of legal work by Ukraine, its partner countries, the Council of Europe and the European Union to ensure justice for the victims of Russian aggression.
Can the Minister elaborate on the European input into that and the development of that special tribunal?
We have been extremely supportive of this at European level and remain so. I believe my colleague, the Minister of State, Deputy Richmond, represented us at a meeting on this recently -----
Today.
I am sorry; he is representing us in Rome today and showing the Government’s support. On 23 June, the Foreign Affairs Council discussed co-ordinating a strong and united European response behind Ukraine, including stepping up the EU’s political and military support. Ukraine’s foreign minister highlighted recent very worrying developments in Ukraine. It is absolutely clear Russia is engaging in the crimes of aggression. It is not engaging in peace talks in any good faith. It maintains is maximus demands and in this context it is more important than ever that we bolster support for Ukraine across all work stands. At the meeting in Rome today, the Minister of State, Deputy Richmond, and European colleagues will work constructively in assisting the work of the tribunal.
As Chair of the Joint Committee on Foreign Affairs and Trade, I met the ambassador recently. I am a little concerned that so much time in the House is spent on Gaza, which I understand, particularly as Chair of the committee, is justified, that Ukraine has slipped down the agenda and we need to keep it up. The continued acceleration of attacks by Russia poses a significant threat to the European Union. The Minister mentioned the largest attack in the past couple of days. In Ireland, because we are so remote, sometimes we do not appreciate that fully. However, a threat to the European Union threatens the values we take for granted and essentially threatens our way of life. The continuous highlighting of this Russian aggression against Ukrainians is necessary in the House. I welcome the opportunity and the Tánaiste’s answers on the tribunal.
The Deputy is entirely correct. We cannot lose focus on what is happening in Ukraine. The UN is dealing with more conflicts than ever in its history. We discussed Sudan earlier. That is another major humanitarian catastrophe that barely gets spoken about in political dispatches in Ireland. Some colleagues do highlight it but it is not getting nearly enough attention. I worry about this kind of faux engagement on some sort of peace agreement by Russia, which is not being done in good faith while day in, day out it is pounding Ukraine and now we are witnessing a significant escalation.
In Ukraine many children have been forcibly abducted from their parents. Children have been stolen at the youngest possible age. We cannot lose focus on that either. They have been taken and effectively re-educated in Russia. I thank the Deputy for keeping the focus on this. Ireland will continue to stand with Ukraine.
We must also call out others that continue to support Russia. China wants to talk about how we can do more economically with the European Union while continuing to support those carrying out a war on the Continent.