I move: That Dáil Éireann: recognises: — Ireland's long-standing policy of military neutrality, our strong tradition of peacekeeping and humanitarian assistance abroad, and our strong international reputation in diplomacy; — the importance of safeguards and oversight in ensuring Irish military deployments are in line with our policy of military neutrality; — the importance of democratic consultation in shaping Ireland's future defence policy; and — the Government plans to remove the current Triple Lock mechanism and raise the number of troops that can be deployed without Dáil oversight to 50; acknowledges: — that the Triple Lock mechanism requires (i) Government approval, (ii) Dáil approval, and (iii) a United Nations (UN) mandate through the General Assembly or Security Council for the deployment of more than 12 Irish Defence Forces personnel overseas; — that the Triple Lock mechanism was introduced to safeguard our military neutrality during the adoption of the Nice and Lisbon Treaties; and — that the UN mandate has played a significant role in shaping Ireland's approach to international military engagement; and calls on the Government to: — hold a national plebiscite, to take place before any legislation to amend the Triple Lock mechanism is brought before the Dáil, to allow the Irish people to express their view on whether a United Nations mandate should remain a requirement for Ireland to deploy peacekeeping troops overseas; — ensure that the plebiscite presents a balanced and informed choice, reflecting the role of the Triple Lock mechanism in Ireland's approach to international deployments to date, the considerations around its impact on peacekeeping operations in the future, and any scope for the removal of the Triple Lock mechanism to result in potential non-neutral military deployment; and — commit to respecting the outcome of the plebiscite and ensuring that any subsequent policy decisions reflect the will of the people while upholding Ireland's commitment to military neutrality, multilateralism, and international cooperation. Is mór an onóir dom an rún seo a chur ós comhair na Dála inniu. The Government has made clear its intention to dismantle the triple lock. It has brought forward proposals to remove the UN Security Council mandate, the UN mandate itself from the triple lock. It has proposed to quadruple the number of military personnel who can be deployed overseas from 12 to 50, without the mechanism even kicking in. We, the Social Democrats, are using our time this morning to simply ask the Government to put those plans to the people in the form of a plebiscite on the triple lock. This morning I will talk about our long-standing history of neutrality in this country, our place in the world, how it is connected to multilateralism, the role of the UN within that multilateralism and our long-standing tradition of peacekeeping. I acknowledge the contribution of our Senator, Patricia Stephenson, who has been central in shaping our positions in regard to defence, neutrality and, indeed, the triple lock. Ní rud nua é neodrachas na hÉireann. Is rud fíorthábhachtach é dár bhféiniúlacht, dár sábháilteacht agus dár n-áit sa domhan. We have always been militarily neutral and as we all know, that does not mean that we are politically neutral. What it means is that we have a commitment to peace and diplomacy. Our neutrality has not always been perfect. It has been tested over time and it has not always withstood those tests. For example, during the Second World War we treated prisoners of war very differently depending on which country they came from. We saw the fuelling of US planes in Shannon which were carrying military weaponry and personnel overseas and we have seen the transport of munitions through Irish airspace - something which carries through right to this very day. However, it is a tradition which has been rooted in the commitment we have in this country to peace and diplomacy. During my research for today’s motion, I looked at the other histories of neutrality around the world. It is important to note that, for example, Switzerland is associated with neutrality, but what people do not often acknowledge is that Switzerland has a long tradition of the manufacture and sale of arms and weapons. Switzerland’s neutrality is arguably more influenced on the basis that it wants to be available to as many clients as possible. It is really important to note the specific tradition and root of Irish neutrality which is that respect for diplomacy, peace and multilateralism. It has allowed us to build up a stellar reputation across the globe and, arguably, was a key part in Ireland having gained a seat on the Security Council on several occasions. In the early noughties, during the development of the Nice and Lisbon treaties, it became clear that our neutrality was under threat. The European Economic Community was becoming a closer forged community and it was clear that there was a pathway towards a military alliance as well as everything else and that would threaten our neutrality. The triple lock was developed in reaction to these events. We know the Government does not agree with us on neutrality. It has been very clear on that. That is why we have brought this motion. We should be able to agree on the basic democratic principle that a measure brought in to give people reassurance in the context of the Nice and Lisbon treaties and to secure their vote for those treaties should not be removed without their say. I will speak now to exactly what is the triple lock. It is, of course, the Government, the Dáil and the UN mandate and the role they have in the approval of the deployment of personnel overseas. I want to speak specifically to that UN Security Council mandate, which the Government raises repeatedly as its key issue with the triple lock. I believe that is a red herring. It is clear from the Defence (Amendment) Act 2006 and the capstone doctrine of the United Nations that the General Assembly is available to satisfy the triple lock where we see a deadlock and a veto threatening that peace at Security Council level. What really rankles with me is when the Government states that the potential veto of a UN Security Council member is a threat to our sovereignty. The people I think of when I hear that are those whose actual sovereignty is under threat – people in Gaza, people in Ukraine and people in conflict zones all across the globe who really understand what that means and who do not trivialise it. In connection with that, I also want to speak to the raising of the cap, because that is a crucial part of our triple lock and raising it so drastically, from 12 to 50, will alter the ability of the Dáil and the people to debate any deployment of troops overseas. At a time where peace projects are being put on the backburner globally, in Europe, America and beyond, the UN remains the international body which is foundationally committed to peace and the rule of law. It is worrying to see such bitterness to oversight of a body whose mission is to project future generations from the scourge of war. When I think of our place in the world, I think of multilateralism. We have garnered an international reputation for peacekeeping, for looking out not just for the global north, but for the global interest. As a result, our voice carries weight not only in Europe, but also in Latin America, Africa, the Middle East and Asia. It means that we do not just split off into those regional blocs. Indeed, within our own regional bloc, there is respect within the European Union for our neutrality - respect that is now threatened not by the triple lock but by the failure to fund our Defence Forces and the willingness of the Government to be carried away on a defence tide. Tá áit tuillte ag Éirinn i measc na náisiún mar thír atá i gcoinne cogaidh agus atá sásta seasamh suas in aghaidh cumhachtaí móra ar mhaithe leis an gcine daonna. If we reject the support and oversight of the international community, we are rejecting the principle of multilateralism and we will lose our credibility as a good faith actor - credibility which has been built up over decades. Finally, I wish to speak to our long-standing tradition of peacekeeping. Of course, we have the longest unbroken record of peacekeeping in the world and we are very proud of that record. On behalf of the Social Democrats, I thank the Defence Forces for the work they do in maintaining the work of peacekeeping in difficult locations all over the world. As the House will hear from my colleagues, we support the Defence Forces and the maintenance of our peacekeeping work. This is not a head-in-the-sand approach. It is not blind idealism. It is a practical look at the facts before us. This country has a long-standing tradition of peacebuilding, peace-making and peacekeeping. We punch above our weight in terms of diplomacy, human rights and peace. We need to invest in our Defence Forces to maintain that reputation and we need to act as champions for peace on the global stage and as a member state within the European Union, and we must retain the triple lock. I urge the House to support this motion and put the question of the triple lock to the people. Tá dlí idirnáisiúnta agus an tsíocháin faoi ionsaí agus caithfidh muid troid ar ais anois.
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I will pick up on some of the points made by the Minister of State and his colleague, the Minister of State, Deputy Byrne. The latter set out a very visceral story about his experience in the UN in 2022 where he had a concern because he did not know whether or not there was going to be a veto. I believe this was about Operation Althea. He did not finish the story. There was no veto. He also did not respond to what I put out as the clear mechanism that can satisfy the triple lock in the event there is a veto or concerns over Security Council vetos, namely, the General Assembly. It is in the capstone doctrine and in our Defence (Amendment) Act 2006. Nobody has answered this. The Minister of State continues to wave the flag of concern over the UN Security Council veto but he has not in any way acknowledged that it is not the blockage that he says it is to our triple lock. Furthermore, he has given no evidence of attempts to fix the issues he says exist with the UN Security Council. What are they? What has he actually done to try to amend it? Another fact check I would like to put out is that-----
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-----today and last week in the debate on the international security on trade, the Minister of State has said twice that this was in the general election manifesto. It was not. The triple lock is not mentioned in the Fine Gael manifesto. It is mentioned in the Fianna Fáil one but it is mentioned in the context of reform. What the Minister of State is proposing is simply not reform. That is clear.
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Another issue I have to pick up on in the contribution of the Minister, Deputy Byrne, is that he said there had been no peacekeeping missions approved. There have of course been peacekeeping missions renewed-----
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-----but this is too convenient for the Minister of State, Deputy Richmond------
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-----to not mention that this is fully functioning. Will the Minister of State please allow me to finish my points, with all the respect that he talked about for debate? I also want to pick up on the issue that the Minister of State, Deputy Byrne, raised about us not supporting European Union membership, which is the most preposterous statement for him to make. We, of course, as the Social Democrats, support European Union membership. Moreover, the European Union supports our neutrality. It is the choice of this Government, and of Fine Gael as a member of EPP Group, to blindly follow the pathway towards militarisation that we are seeing happening in Europe. We also heard the Minister of State, or perhaps that was his colleague, the Minister of State, Deputy Byrne, speaking about the peace project that is the European Union. It is very clear that those origins of the European Union as a peace project are drifting further and further into our past as we see the militarisation. However, I see that there is conflict. We recognise that there is conflict. We are not blind to what is happening in this world but it is a choice to follow down the path of militarisation or to stay true to our commitment as a country and a State towards peace, human rights and diplomacy. We need to be the annoying voice within the European Union to remind it of its origins and our commitment as a union towards peace and security. I will finish on the fact that the Minister of State put this forward as this adjustment, this tweak. We have had concerns within the neutrality space within Ireland about this creeping change and the Government has proven again and again that it is willing to dent and damage our neutrality but this is not a creeping change. This is a mammoth step away from neutrality. As a new TD, four months in, the level of cynicism the Government displays is depressing. I refer to the fact that it says on one hand that it supports neutrality and will on the other hand absolutely shred it to pieces by dismantling the triple lock and by increasing the cap from 12 to 50, quadrupling the number of personnel who can be sent overseas by a Minister without any debate. The Minister of State talks to us about debate but the Government has had a whopping total of two Government representatives in the House today, and not even two at the same time.
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He has nobody here to debate this issue.
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He says that he respects debate but-----
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-----there is no debate happening. Moreover, his respect for debate obviously does not extend to the Irish people. All we are asking for is that this crucial part of our neutrality tradition is simply put to the people. I urge this House again to adopt this motion, put it to the people and defend our triple lock.
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