I propose to take Questions Nos. 1 to 10, inclusive, together. Last month the Government established the Cabinet committee on climate action, environment and energy to oversee implementation of programme for Government commitments in relation to the environment, climate action, energy and emergency planning. The programme for Government sets out a strong framework for climate action and continues to place it at the heart of the work of all Departments. It commits to a continuation of the publication of annual updates to the climate action plan and quarterly progress reports focusing on a smaller number of strategic and high-impact actions across all sectors, as well as strengthening the climate action delivery board and governance structures. In addition, it sets out specific provisions in areas such as energy, agriculture, the built environment, transport, the circular economy, the environment and adaptation. EPA figures confirm that greenhouse gas emissions are going in the right direction, showing overall reductions for the past three years. However, we know we have to go further, taking climate action faster and at scale, particularly over the coming five years as we approach 2030. Membership of the Cabinet committee will comprise the Taoiseach, the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs and Defence and the Ministers for Finance, Public Expenditure, NDP Delivery and Reform, the Environment, Climate and Communications and Transport, Agriculture, Food and the Marine, Housing, Local Government and Heritage and Enterprise, Trade and Employment. It will meet quarterly and its next meeting will take place on 7 April.
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Quite a number of Deputies have asked questions. With regard to the broader picture, the humanitarian assistance scheme has not closed yet. This is my understanding. I think it has been extended. I spoke to the Minister this morning about it and I will clarify it. This is the position as I understand it. The Minister is evaluating the applications that come in. The existing scheme is catered for in regulation, so it is not moving or shifting the goalposts. In the programme for Government, we identified the need for a more comprehensive bespoke scheme to deal with events of the nature of Storm Éowyn. I agree fully with Deputy Moynihan regarding energy. For the information of all Deputies, the agenda is to get to 80% of electricity generation coming from renewables by 2030. That objective has not changed. The suggestion from Deputies Moynihan, Bacik, Murphy and Boyd Barrett is that we have torn up the climate Act. We have not. That is a false assertion. However, Deputy Moynihan's point is very valid. If I listen to others in the House, they are saying, essentially, that we are in goodbye-to-the-economy territory. When you go to the US and other places, you meet people like those at Hanley Energy, for example. That company's technology is in every data centre in the world. It employs 800 people, including 400 in America and 400 here. Its technology is all about reducing and about doing everything possible to moderate the energy output of data centres and so on. In the context of the AI revolution, we have, essentially, had a moratorium on data centres for the past three or four years. If the Deputies opposite are suggesting that we extend that moratorium for another five years, we will have a real problem with our economy.
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Deputies Bacik and Murphy and other Deputies should start thinking very quickly now about how they see the economy evolving. They should dispense with all the sound bites and get down to the substance of should happen. Do we think we can just park ourselves at the side of the road while this massive, profound change is occurring in technology and then just pick it all up again in five or six years' time? We will not be able to do that. We have a huge challenge in the context of competitiveness. How do we match the AI revolution and the extraordinary energy it consumes with the challenges we face between now and 2030? On Deputy Brennan's point, two auctions in respect of wind energy have been successful, notwithstanding the changes. The previous Government had to set up the Maritime Area Regulatory Authority, MARA, and entirely new infrastructure to deal with offshore wind energy and maritime planning. It needs to move fast. As stated, two auctions were held. There is a very good chance offshore wind farms will be in place, and hopefully in production, by 2030 or 2031. We do not need any objections to those because wind is the only option for Ireland in the context of the existential climate change that we face. There will, however, be a need for a transition fuel, and that transition fuel will be gas. There is no point in pretending otherwise; it will be needed. We need reality to come through.
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The debate in here is just miles away from reality.
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There is no attempt at all to try to deal with the interdependent issues and the challenges that come with them. People are just demonising data centres. If you demonise data centres, every day-to-day usage of mobile phones or whatever will come to naught. That is the reality.
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It is fundamentally the reality. In my view, the Deputy is fundamentally wrong in what he is putting forward. Deputy Brennan referred to regulatory hurdles and so on. We are doing everything possible through MARA to get offshore wind through as quickly we possibly can. That will mean transposition of more EU directives. There is a clause in the EU directive to deal with matters when all else fails. This is the overriding public interest clause, and it should be invoked in respect of offshore wind generation because the latter is the most fundamental way in which this country can deal with climate and renewables.
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Solar energy is moving fast in Ireland and can progress even further. A fair point was made by Deputy Ó Fearghaíl in respect of battery storage. In the midlands some development on that front has been made by Bord na Móna. Other countries are using battery storage. If you look at Texas, it is not all about oil there. The relevant authorities in Texas use wind, nuclear, battery storage and solar.
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Wind is our key ingredient. On the point raised by Deputy Bacik, when the independent planning board, An Bord Pleanála, makes a decision, if the Government even dared intervened in a decision that would suit the Deputy and the outcome of which she would appreciate, she would cry foul.
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I am stunned by what has happened two or three times today. An Bord Pleanála's decision in respect of north Kerry was referenced and then very quickly conflated as if the Government did it. That is the impression the Deputy is giving.
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That is the impression all of you have given.
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Deputies are giving the impression that an independent board, An Bord Pleanála, made a decision as if it was Government policy. That is a false assertion to confuse people and cloud matters. All the Deputies want to do is make the assertion that the Government is rowing back on climate. That is all they want to do, and they will use any instrument to do it.
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It is a fundamentally dishonest political position to adopt. The Deputies either agree with the independence of An Bord Pleanála or they do not, I am now being asked to intervene in An Bord Pleanála.
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I have been asked to intervene now in An Bord Pleanála by Deputy Bacik.
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Yes, but intervene in what way?
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This is what is wrong with the country. We do not accept the independent bodies that are established. We should because otherwise there will be judicial reviews.
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Then we ask why we cannot deliver infrastructure and get things moving in the country. It is because the Deputies are pandering all the time-----
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-----and are not really interested in economic development. I agree with Deputy-----
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Do I answer first?
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I have run out of time. I answered Deputy Lawless; I dealt with that. The Deputy should have come in early. He would have been the first man if he came in earlier but he was late.
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There was no Sinn Féin representative at the beginning of this. The Deputy shouts and roars about it all the time, and his leader is not here.
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I propose to take Questions Nos. 11 to 22, inclusive, together. I attended an informal leaders’ retreat on 3 February hosted by the President of the European Council, António Costa, in Brussels. The main focus of our discussions was European security and defence. The meeting was an important opportunity for leaders to offer strategic guidance ahead of the publication of a White Paper on the topic by the European Commission, which I think happened earlier today. Issues discussed included how best to mitigate some of the threats and challenges the EU collectively faces, and the capabilities needed to address these challenges. We discussed how new priorities within the security and defence area can be financed. Leaders also considered how to strengthen our strategic partnerships. We are in an individually tailored partner with NATO, for example, on cybersecurity and maritime security. The United Kingdom Prime Minister addressed the meeting's dinner event with respect to the broader security issues that are now facing Europe and the Secretary General of NATO addressed a lunch meeting and gave his organisation's perspective. As I said, Prime Minister Starmer also joined us for part of the discussions. That was the first time a UK Prime Minister has met with the European Council since Brexit. The UK is an important partner for the European Union, and there are issues on which we can collaborate. Economically, from an Irish perspective, it is also good to see a more harmonious relationship between the United Kingdom and the European Union. Ireland is and will remain militarily neutral, and that is well understood and respected by our fellow European Union states. Our policy of military neutrality, however, does not remove us from the new types of security threats, nor compromise us helping to create a more secure European Union as we continue to invest and modernise our own Defence Forces. Continuing support for Ukraine, as it continues to defend itself against Russia’s brutal, illegal and amoral invasion, was also an important aspect of our discussions. In this context, European Union-US relations were also discussed. At a time of heightened tensions around the world, we need a strong transatlantic relationship. Leaders emphasised the need to continue engaging with President Trump and his administration. Following the meeting, I had a short bilateral meeting with Prime Minister Starmer at which we discussed European Union-UK relations and British-Irish relations ahead of our summit.
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I had my chance but it got complicated.
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I did.
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I absolutely did. The Deputy just made that up.
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Can I point out that we are about 40 minutes over time?
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I do not mind. I am not giving out. This could be over by now.
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This could and should be over by now if the Deputies were following all the rules all the time.
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They are trying to dictate to all of us.
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I thank the Deputies. I kind of responded to Deputy Ó Cearúil. I agree with what Deputy Daly said. We need to strengthen our defences and capability. What Deputy Daly said about a small business in his constituency is interesting. Some people in the House are oblivious about the level of cybersecurity attacks on the private sector in Ireland. Many companies are spending a lot of money on their cybersecurity defences because it is very disruptive. Universities have been hit. The HSE was paralysed during Covid by the Conti group, which is a group in Russia that did enormous damage. Since the Russian invasion of Ukraine, the level of cyberattacks in Europe has gone up exponentially. The Baltics are experiencing hybrid warfare at the moment, which many believe is emanating from Russia. The consistent theme in European meetings for the past year is the existential threat that Russia poses to European states. I was struck by Deputies Coppinger and Boyd Barrett not mentioning Russia once. That speaks eloquently to the lens through which they look at the world.
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On the European Union meetings-----
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The Deputies had their chance and did not even mention Russia. It is a one-way ticket as far as the Deputies are concerned. The fact is that the Baltic countries, Finland, Sweden and others feel there is a genuine existential threat to Europe. Europe feels exposed, and that it does not have the necessary capabilities yet. It needs to enhance its capabilities. That is why there is a build-up and investment in security capacities across all the member states, particularly because Europe may not be able to rely on others as partners in the future and needs to be in a position to have the wherewithal to defend itself-----
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-----and its member states. The geopolitical world is changing. The US is clear in saying that it will remain a member of NATO, but it seems to many in Europe that Europe will have to develop its own independent capacities and capabilities-----
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-----as will member states. On Deputy Ó Fearghaíl's point, Europe will have to stand up and be the bastion of a multilateral, rules-based order. It will have to maintain its focus on the United Nations in a world where that is being threatened and undermined. There is no doubt of that. Ireland as a small country needs an international, global rules system. It is what we always stood for. Deputy Tóibín mentioned that we are exposed. We are. We should not forget that it is not about goods alone. If one factors in services, one can see that Ireland is actually in deficit in its trade with the US. European Union-US trade, if you factor in services, is about €50 billion in surplus out of approximately €1.7 trillion. America does not look at its services figures at all, but in any trade balance, services have to be factored in as well as goods. We are engaging with companies and with the European Union.
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The European Union will take a strategic view on how it responds to whatever tariffs are imposed. We do not quite know yet what tariffs, at which level or in which sectors, will happen. We will know on 2 April and then Europe will take some time, though not too long, to see how it responds. Europe does not want any tariffs. Europe believes that tariffs are damaging to the economy, to jobs and to consumers because inflation will rise as a result of them.
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In response to Deputy Bacik, in the past, I have defended LGBT rights at the European Council meeting in the face of decisions taken by Prime Minister Orbán to curtail such rights, and will continue to do so. Hungary's behaviour on the Council on a number of fronts has been a matter of grave concern in recent times. In respect of the Middle East, I have condemned the Israeli attack. I have said it is in breach of humanitarian law, as is the refusal to allow aid into Gaza. Ireland has been very supportive of Palestinians, with humanitarian aid, UNRWA and a whole range of other measures that we have taken on the issue. There are different perspectives across Europe and in the United States on the Middle Eastern question.
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I will indeed. All the focus of Deputy Boyd Barrett's remarks was on the European Union, without a mention of Russia.
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I have said consistently that the conduct of modern warfare is appalling, no matter where is waged. It leads to the killing of civilians in huge numbers. In Ukraine, it has been absolutely appalling. Russia illegally invaded Ukraine, with devastating impacts for ordinary people. There has been massive displacement of 12 million people. The population of Ukraine is estimated to have gone from 40 million to 28 million, which is devastating. In response to Deputy Brennan, we have consistently called for acceleration, which has created an acceleration on the western Balkan front too. There was a pause in the enlargement of the European Union for well over a decade. There has been much movement over the past two years. I have a geopolitical perspective that the European Union needs to enlarge, otherwise Russia will meddle in the neighbourhood. North Macedonia or Montenegro could be next. We are working with Ukraine, as is the European Commission. It has proven itself responsive and effective in moving forward with the process.
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I propose to take Questions Nos. 23 to 30, inclusive, together. On Monday, 27 January, I joined other world leaders at a ceremony to mark the 80th anniversary of the liberation of Auschwitz-Birkenau and to commemorate international Holocaust remembrance day. It was a day where we remembered the unique horrors of the Holocaust, in which 6 million Jews from across Europe were murdered in Nazi death camps. The commemoration was probably the last significant one at which survivors of Auschwitz were able to recount first hand the horrors of what happened to them and other concentration camp inmates. We remembered also the Roma, the disabled, the political dissidents, the members of the LGBTQ community and all who were persecuted and murdered without mercy in the camps. We owe it to them to ensure that now, and for all generations to come, we remember and say “Never again.” In 2025, Ireland will contribute €50,000 to the Auschwitz-Birkenau Foundation to support the preservation of the site and a history that should never be forgotten. My Government remains committed to denouncing and combating antisemitism and all forms of discrimination, intolerance, racism and xenophobia. In recent years, we have witnessed a shocking rise in antisemitism and Holocaust denial, both online and offline. I take this issue very seriously and the Government will continue to work at home and with international partners to tackle all forms of discrimination, including antisemitism. I condemn outright the recent incident of antisemitism witnessed in Dublin. This is entirely unacceptable and completely incompatible with what this country and its people stand for. In this spirit, we recently endorsed the global guidelines for countering antisemitism and the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance’s working definition of antisemitism. We will also continue our close relationship with the Jewish community in Ireland and ensure that their concerns are heard.
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I appreciate the comments by Deputy Daly. We can never forget the exceptionalism of the Holocaust. It is important that we mark it and that is why I was determined, as Taoiseach, to visit Auschwitz for the 80th anniversary of the liberation of Auschwitz-Birkenau. In particular, it may be the last occasion when we hear the voices of actual survivors. With regard to retaining the right to criticise Israel, that will be retained. There is nothing in the actual guidelines. There was a clause explaining-----
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Will the Deputy stop? I have never interrupt him but he keeps on interrupting. Will he even allow me to finish a sentence? It is not in the guidelines themselves, although there were explanatory clauses. We made it very clear that we retain the right to criticise Israel. The fact of the matter is that fellow, like-minded EU member states signed the IHRA guidelines a long time ago, including Spain, Slovenia and others. Did that impair their capacity to criticise Israel? They joined with us in terms of the recognition of the Palestinian state, for example. It does not stack up. The American guidelines that we signed are important, in my view, because there are attempts out there now to portray us as antisemitic. That needs to be met head-on. We are not, the Government is not and the Oireachtas is not. We have to be assertive in articulating unambiguously our position in regard to antisemitism. I have met the Jewish community in Dublin. I understand that the war in Gaza and the horrendous attacks in Gaza have created an atmosphere in Ireland. Many in the Jewish community do not feel comfortable-----
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Let me finish my point. I am answering the question. It is an important point to state in the House. Many in our Jewish community do not feel comfortable with the atmosphere out there at the moment in going about their daily lives and, more worryingly, do not feel comfortable with outward manifestations of the fact that they are Jewish. We have to be alert to that. We have to deal with that in our schools to make sure that is not a factor. Many people within our Jewish community have different views, as the Deputy correctly pointed out. Some do not support what Prime Minister Netanyahu is doing but we cannot conflate criticism of Israel and what Israel is doing - or blame for what the Government of Israel is doing - with the Jewish community here or elsewhere across Europe. This is important because, historically, we had a very good tradition in this country. In particular, the 1937 Constitution provided for protection for our Jewish community. With regard to my city of Cork and my party, founding members of our party were members of the Jewish community. Robert Briscoe wrote a great book, entitled For the Life of Me, detailing his role in travelling the country forming cumann Fianna Fáil. His son, Deputy Ben Briscoe, sat in this House and both were Lord Mayors of Dublin. The Lord Mayor of Cork, Gerald Goldberg, was a member of our party. Likewise, Mervyn Taylor-----
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-----was a member of the Labour Party and had a very distinguished career here in terms of equality legislation in particular so there is an honourable and very positive Jewish tradition in Ireland and I think this is something we must protect. It is a small community. That is the context. In response to Deputy Bacik on hate speech legislation, that Act was amended last year. We just went ahead with the penalty side of it. There was a lot of opposition and resistance in light of what is happening on social media. That was regrettable in my view. The European directives are clear on that. What happened in terms of the legislation last year was to facilitate higher penalties for those convicted of hate speech. The Holocaust remembrance is excellently organised and has been through the years. It has always been free of controversy and I hope we can get back to that situation and engage with the Jewish community in Ireland in terms of how we properly remember the Holocaust. By and large, our primary and secondary schools have been strong on that down through the years. Regarding the impact on Europe, Deputy Boyd Barrett referenced other countries' attitudes. Germany has a completely different perspective on the Middle East because of the Holocaust, it seems to me. I think its former Chancellor said that the raison d'être of the German Government was to protect Israel. That is historically how they see it. It is completely different to the atmosphere and views in Ireland and how Ireland would see things. We work and engage to try to change perspectives. Our focus has been on ending the war in Gaza, demanding a comprehensive surge in humanitarian aid, then working on the Arab peace initiative to get peace in Gaza, guaranteeing security for Israel and getting the hostages released.
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Deputy Boyd Barrett attacked Germany. He has never attacked Hamas. He has never condemned Hamas for 7 October.
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I have invited the Deputy on a number of occasions to condemn the Hamas attack on 7 October and he has refused every single time. That kind of moral equivalence is reprehensible, to be honest, because what happened on 7 October was reprehensible, and-----
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