Data Centres
1. Deputy Pa Daly asked the Minister for Climate, Energy and the Environment if he is aware of a new UN report on the environmental impact of AI (details supplied), which cites Ireland as a "cautionary example"; if he has plans to implement a grid prioritisation framework, as outlined in the EU Commission's guidance on efficient and timely grid connections in December 2025; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [44295/26]
The United Nations is citing Ireland as a cautionary example of what happens when Government policy fails to keep pace with the explosive energy demand from data centres and AI. We are not leaders or an example for the rest of the world but a warning. This did not happen overnight. It is a result of political choices, the lack of a framework and the lack of a plan. What is the Minister's grip on this? Does he have any plans to deal with the mounting criticisms of our approach to data centres?
Data centres are a very important part of Ireland's economic and digital present and future, and a key part of our value proposition for foreign direct investment. Data centres bring wider economic benefits, as most understand. They bring tax revenues, employment, broader digital infrastructure value and significant support and linkages provided to other high-value sectors of the economy.
The recent KPMG study on data centres, undertaken on behalf of the Department of Enterprise, Tourism and Employment, reports there are 19,500 directly employed in the industry. As detailed in our large energy user action plan, LEAP, Ireland's technology sector, underpinned by the very digital infrastructure in data centres, accounted for employing almost 183,000 people in quarter 4 of 2024. This is equivalent to 7% of Ireland's total workforce.
Unlike other European countries that have heavy industry bases, Ireland's industrial electricity demand is primarily concentrated in our digital economy. This is our core energy intensive industry.
I note the contents of the cited UN University report on Al energy, particularly on the need for responsible and informed capacity planning of the power system. The Government has for a long time recognised that data centres and their energy consumption need to be managed and planned appropriately. This is why we brought forward the Government's large energy user action plan in January 2026. It sets out a plan-led approach for very large and energy intensive investments. This will enable Ireland to capture next generation investment in energy intensive industries and unlock significant associated economic and employment opportunities.
The Commission for Regulation of Utilities, CRU, is responsible for grid connection policy and is accountable to a committee of the Oireachtas, not to me as Minister. Changes to connections policy, including those proposed in the cited document of the EU Commission, are a matter for CRU.
I agree that data centres are necessary in this country but it is a question of planning appropriately for what is there. The European Commission has already set out a clear pathway for a grid prioritisation framework, putting the public need, system readiness and climate obligations at the centre of decision-making. Here in Ireland we have an open season policy of first come, first served regardless of who benefits. Who is inevitably benefiting? It is the larger corporate and AI users of data centres. This is why the UN calls it a cautionary example. What does it mean for ordinary people, families and small businesses? They are forced to compete for electricity capacity in their own country and county, when a small number of large-scale operators are effectively being waved through without the prioritisation strategy that is necessary. We have been warning about this for years. Housing developments are being delayed, energy bills are being driven up and blackouts are on the cards. Does the Minister have any plan to insist on a prioritisation framework?
I welcome the fact that Deputy Daly recognises the importance of ICT, digital infrastructure and data centres. This is something on which most will agree. The most critical parts of this are the large energy user action plan and the CRU decision on large energy users, both of which are from last year. Both clearly set out what is required for a new data centre or a large energy user connection. This means for a new data centre to get an energy connection it is required to get 80% of its energy through new renewable sources.
There is a plan-led approach. There is also the grid investment through PR6, which is critical for all of our industries and housing. This is the €18.9 billion investment to 2030 and beyond. It is absolutely critical. We need to ensure that we remain at the cutting edge of new technologies. As I mentioned, digital infrastructure is our large industrial base. Unlike many other European countries we are not a large manufacturing country. This is something we need to protect. We have not had a situation where any housing has not been connected due to the growth in our economy.
I thank the Minister for the reply but one of the consequences is in relation to our energy security. This is not a theoretical difficulty any more. When the system is pushed to its limits the risk is not that abstract. What we have, and we have seen this already, are blackouts, supply disruption and emergency measures. This is what happens when a grid is under strain. EirGrid has been warning about it for years. The Secretary General warned of the dangers of the approach and said that we need to choose between housing and AI. Officials in the Department of public expenditure warned that data centres are pushing up household bills. Despite these warnings, not enough is being done to ensure security of supply so that no matter what the circumstances homes will be heated, hospitals will operate, businesses can function and energy bills are not driven sky-high, as they have been over the last number of years. We have seen that instead of securing supply first and managing demand, the Government is allowing demand, particularly from these centres, to dictate the system, and this is the imbalance that is happening.
I assure Deputy Daly they do not dictate the system. Connection policy is a matter for CRU, which is independent of me, which the Deputy knows. Grid investment is critical and we are doing that. Grid resilience is absolutely critical and this is why it is imperative that projects such as the North-South interconnector start and are completed as quickly as possible. I have already outlined what we are doing with regard to large energy users and we have published our plans in this regard. We also need to increase grid capacity and generation. What we have done in a ten-year period, when we look at generation of energy, is we have doubled wind capacity and there has been more than a 1,000% increase in solar, with a very good pipeline coming forward for more than 8 GW in renewables. This is where we need to get to. We need to ensure we are accelerating the deployment of renewables into our system and investing in our grid to make sure that grid resilience is there. There are backups to ensure the grid remains safe, such as fault ride through, which is there for large energy users also. This policy is one that is agreed by CRU in consultation with stakeholders.
Legislative Measures
2. Deputy Jennifer Whitmore asked the Minister for Climate, Energy and the Environment when he intends to introduce the strategic gas emergency reserve Bill 2025 to the Dáil; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [44871/26]
When does the Minister intend to introduce the strategic gas emergency reserve Bill to the Dáil? Will he give us an update on the progress of the Bill?
In March 2025, I received Government approval to develop a State-led strategic gas reserve. The delivery of a strategic gas reserve is critical to Ireland's energy security as we transition to indigenous, clean, renewable energy. Crucially, the strategic gas emergency reserve will also ensure compliance with EU standards and regulations and is consistent with our climate action plan.
The State-led, transitional nature of the reserve ensures that the risk of stranded fossil fuel assets is mitigated, that the reserve will be used for emergency use only, and that it does not support increased gas demand with a view to minimising impacts on greenhouse gas emissions. The Government remains committed to taking decisive action to radically reduce our reliance on fossil fuels and has greatly boosted the share of renewables in our increasingly electrified energy system. This, however, means greater reliance on gas to provide sufficient flexibility and backup for secure electricity supplies at times of low renewable output.
In line with the programme for Government priority, the approval to proceed with the strategic gas emergency reserve commits to exploring all opportunities to expedite delivery of the project. The gas reserve Bill that Deputy Whitmore asked about provides for an expedited consenting pathway to allow the next stage of delivery of the project. The Bill is being finalised, having completed pre-legislative scrutiny in February 2026, with a view to being completed, I hope, in this session. I will introduce it in this session and it is my intention to seek Government approval this month to publish the text of the Bill and to present the Bill to the Houses of the Oireachtas at the earliest opportunity thereafter. The general scheme of the legislation underpinning the operation of the strategic gas emergency reserve will be brought forward later this year. There will be two pieces of legislation, as Deputy Whitmore knows.
I thank the Minister for the update. As he knows, we had pre-legislative scrutiny at the committee and concerns were raised at that point. I want to refer to an article written by the previous Minister for the environment, Eamon Ryan, shortly after the start of this Dáil term when he was no longer a Member of the Oireachtas or a Minister. He was very clear that we do not require a floating LNG facility. As a former Minister, he was aware of the many details, discussions and reports that went through the Department, on which the Minister is also relying. He outlined a number of ways we could still secure our energy supply without relying on this LNG facility. I wish he had realised this when he first brought the plan forward. The strategic LNG facility was his proposal at the very start. I wish this work had been done at that point. However, it is important to be cognisant of what he has said. Has the Minister looked at his recommendations? This area moves quickly and technology moves quickly. It is an opportune time to review the policy.
I have been very clear that we need this reserve on a temporary basis. We have an oil reserve but we have no gas reserve. It is a significant risk to our energy security in this country. I have a lot of time for the former Minister, Eamon Ryan. I worked very well with him. On this item I do not agree with him and I say that in a very respectful way.
It is a risk that needs to be mitigated and that cannot be ignored. That is why, very early in this Dáil term, I set aside that policy decision with agreement from the Government. Very clear legal advice was received, twice, in relation to the energy security report, with a particular focus on this idea of banning certain types of gas. The legal advice stated that was not possible, not feasible and not legal, end of story. This needs to be done for our energy security and it is consistent with our climate action plan. I fully respect Eamon Ryan. He did a very good job across the portfolio. In this area, my job is to mitigate risk and protect our State, and this is why I am bringing this forward.
I think everybody agrees that we are an energy insecure country and that we do rely on external actors. That is very clear from the different energy shocks we have experienced in recent years. It is important that we shore up our energy security. The question is whether we require a strategic LNG facility to do it or if there is an alternative way to provide that energy security.
The former Minister, Eamon Ryan, based on the advice he received from the Department previously, is of the opinion that there is an alternative way to do that and this would be by using alternative fuels, battery storage and interconnector systems to provide energy security in the event that there were some catastrophic interruption to the gas pipelines coming into Ireland. That is a very unlikely event but it is a high-risk one. What came of the committee meeting was that the Government has not really looked at those alternatives. I ask the Minister to consider those alternatives.
The reality is that we are building more interconnections. We are building the Celtic interconnector now. I signed a further memorandum of understanding, MOU, with Spain in relation to exploring opportunities to have another electricity interconnector to continental Europe.
In the meantime, we are accelerating the deployment of renewables. I agree with the former Minister, Eamon Ryan, and that is what we are doing. In relation to storage, in our grid alone, we have over 1 GW of long-duration battery storage. This is the third highest capacity in the European Union. We do, however, need to do more. This will deal with demand flexibility and reducing dispatch down rates and allow us to be able to deploy our energy, and particularly renewable energy sources, at times when the wind is not blowing and the sun is not shining. It will be possible to store that energy and then deploy it. This facility will be used temporarily. It is to mitigate risk should something happen to our gas pipelines to Scotland. We only produce 20% of the gas that we use now and import 80%.
Energy Prices
3. Deputy Pa Daly asked the Minister for Climate, Energy and the Environment the number of recent reports which confirm that Ireland has the highest electricity prices in the EU (details supplied); the measures he is taking to reduce prices; if he will reintroduce electricity credits; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [44296/26]
The Minister knows we have the highest electricity bills in Europe. Families are struggling with increased costs year-on-year. The Government is continuing to preside over a system where costs are driven up by poor planning, over-reliance on imported gas and an energy model that prioritises the large corporate demand, particularly from data centres, over ordinary customers. Can the Minister explain why we are paying so much, what the Government has done that allows infrastructure and policy failures to push up the prices and what reliefs it is going to provide now? I ask the Minister not to say, "the task force".
The Deputy is going to tell me what I am going to say now. The household energy price index, HEPI, report, which is referenced in the Deputy's written question, although he did not mention it in his remarks, tracks energy prices across European capital cities. When adjusted for purchasing power standard, PPS, this report shows that Dublin was the ninth highest for electricity prices in May 2026 and the 14th highest for gas prices. The report notes that purchasing power standards are an approach that eliminates general price level differences between countries. Meanwhile, the latest data from Eurostat, which compares electricity prices across the EU, shows Ireland ranked fifth highest for electricity prices and eighth highest for gas prices among European countries in purchasing power parity terms.
That is still too high. I do not deny that at all. It is important to note, however, that price setting is a commercial and operational matter for each energy supplier. Retail prices are influenced by several factors, including wholesale energy prices, system operational costs and supplier hedging. We are deeply aware, however, of the pressures placed on households and businesses by high energy costs. We have taken a number of steps to support households and businesses facing those increased costs. This includes the €750 million package of fuel supports announced in March, which is the largest per capita of any EU state. Budget 2026 had a range of other measures. These included the extension until 2030 of the 9% VAT rate currently applied to gas and electricity bills. There were also enhanced social protection payments, including an increase to the fuel allowance rate and an expansion of the eligibility rules, which applies to about a quarter of Irish households, and a record allocation of €640 million in Sustainable Energy Authority of Ireland, SEAI, retrofitting schemes. Those schemes are critically important. Since 2019, we have invested over €1.8 billion in retrofitting and we have been able to provide energy upgrades for 268,000 homes. These upgrades protect those homes and families from energy shocks and reduce their costs and energy consumption.
The Minister said, and we all agree, that energy bills are too high, whether we have the highest, the second highest or the fourth highest costs. We all know that energy companies are, of course, going to raise their bills year-on-year. They have an obligation to shareholders, and they want to make a profit not only this year but an increased profit next year and the year afterwards. The question is: when the Minister is going to step in and tell them that enough is enough? I ask this because there is a lack of progress here. Energy suppliers had a recent spate of price hikes. One company raised its prices twice last summer. Once again, however, the Minister points to the insufficient measures, I think, contained in budget 2026. He did not, however, refer to the possibility of allocating energy credits, which we said would have been a temporary measure. The energy regulator warned that the withdrawal of these credits would lead to a spike in arrears, and that is exactly what happened. Is the Minister going to consider reintroducing energy credits as a temporary measure as part of budget 2027, given our prices are so high?
I am going to mention the work being done by the national energy affordability task force. I will report on that in July. That will give options for further changes and will feed into budgetary deliberations. I am not writing anything off regarding the budget. I will wait to receive that report. In the meantime, however, we have to ensure we accelerate the retrofitting programme I spoke about. If we look at solar, for argument’s sake, over 112,000 homes in this country now have solar systems. This reduces their bills permanently. It is also good for our climate as well as being good for people’s pockets and household bills. We want to keep accelerating this development.
Our continued overdependence on imported fossil fuel means we are going to continue to be over-reliant on them until we reach the tipping point on renewables. This means we will be at risk of volatility in the international fossil fuel markets. We are making good progress in this regard. About 50% of our electricity, month on month, is generated by renewables. We need to get that figure up to 80%. This is why we need to continue to accelerate the progress.
I am not writing anything off for the budget. We will decide that as a Government. The national energy affordability task force will conclude its work in July in advance of the budget.
Some progress is being made in offshore renewables but there is no State investment in it and we are way behind with it. Even one of the Government’s own Ministers said it had been sitting on its hands and navel-gazing about offshore wind for many years.
Who was that?
The energy credits were supposed to be just a temporary measure while the structural failures were being sorted out. It is not just Sinn Féin or other Opposition parties saying this. The International Energy Agency, IEA, has queried and called into question the huge gap between the retail price and the wholesale energy costs here. Even the Taoiseach himself has admitted that price gouging is going on. We have the biggest gap in the world and it costs three times more to buy energy here than it does to produce it. The ESRI agrees with us. It highlights that wholesale prices have fallen much more slowly here than in other European countries. I see what the Minister said about the VAT rate, the network charges and the other levies but it seems that nothing is being done to address this situation.
I have specifically asked the CRU to look at that pass-on of wholesale price reductions to retail, and that gap. I have written to the commission specifically on that matter to say it is something I want looked at. I am writing nothing off. I am not suggesting for a moment that the measures in the last budget were going to soften the blow of all price increases. They did not but they helped.
We are going to seek to help again where we can. We need to consider structural reform. I assure the Deputy, with regard to offshore renewables, that the only delay has been on the planning side. I am hopeful that we will get two planning decisions through this year and that we can move towards construction in this decade. That is what I have always said. The original plan was electrification by 2030. That was not possible because of delays in the planning process. That is why I brought forward, in the term of the last Government, the Planning and Development Act, which, I remind the Deputy, his party opposed at the time. We will be working on measures in advance of the budget, and that will be informed by the final national energy affordability task force report.
Data Centres
4. Deputy Ciarán Ahern asked the Minister for Climate, Energy and the Environment his response to findings in a recent report by Friends of the Earth that data centre energy demand added a cumulative €715 million to household electricity bills between 2015 and 2023 and could add a further €1.6 billion over the next decade; his response to a recent report (details supplied) on data centres commissioned by the Department of Enterprise, Tourism and Employment, and whether he accepts its claims regarding employment numbers and economic value; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [44852/26]
I ask the Minister for his response to findings in a recent report by Friends of the Earth that data centre energy demand added a cumulative €715 million to household electricity bills between 2015 and 2023 and could add a further €1.6 billion over the next decade; his response to a recent report from KPMG on data centres commissioned by the Department of Enterprise, Tourism and Employment; and whether he accepts the claims in that report regarding employment numbers and economic value.
Data centres represent critical digital infrastructure that is central to Ireland's modern economy. They strengthen Ireland's position as a strategic, knowledge-intensive regional hub for the ICT sector and also support broader retention and expansion of existing investment that supports billions of euro in economic value for Ireland via high-wage employment, tax receipts and the supplier ecosystem.
The Government's policy is supportive of continued sustainable data centre developments that are consistent with our twin digital and green transitions. The Value of Data Centres to Ireland is an independent report commissioned by the Department of Enterprise, Tourism and Employment that clearly demonstrates the significant role data centres play in our economy and draws on extensive consultation with relevant experts. It reports that there are over 19,500 directly employed in the industry.
As detailed in the large energy user action plan, Ireland's technology sector, underpinned by digital infrastructure and data centres, accounted for employment of over 180,000 people in quarter 4 of 2024, equivalent to 7% of Ireland's total workforce. This highlights that beyond their direct contribution to construction and operations, data centres play a critical role in enabling access to a wide range of digital-intensive sectors, enhancing the competitiveness of the Irish economy.
While data centres are large energy users, Ireland's industrial electricity demand – unlike that in other European countries, which are heavily industrially based – is primarily concentrated on the digital economy. This is a core energy-intensive sector and, as such, it reinforces the effectiveness of a plan-led approach for future development of the most energy-intensive industries, including data centres, as set out in the Government's large energy user action plan.
The environmental NGO report referred to by the Deputy is consistent with the Government position by underlining the importance of accelerating the deployment of renewable energy to remove gas-related cost effects driving energy prices. The Government has introduced a number of initiatives, including unprecedented investment in PR6 and ongoing co-operation in the acceleration of the infrastructure task force to support increased roll-out of renewables.
I thank the Minister of State. Of course, data centres have a role in modern society. No one would dispute that, but there is an important conversation starting about the costs and benefits. The benefits must be in proportion to the costs. Many of us in this House fear that the balance is being lost here. The Friends of the Earth report spoke to the costs that data centres are adding to our energy bills. We know of the strain that they are putting on our electricity grid, and that they are undermining our decarbonisation goals. What we are trying to do here is scrutinise the Government's industrial policy as much as its climate and decarbonisation strategy.
The Minister of State mentioned that data centres are important in retaining jobs and industry here, but the job figures quoted in that report were frankly embarrassing. There were 876,000 jobs linked to data centres. Was the Minister of State not at all embarrassed about that kind of figure coming out? The real figure – the Minister of State mentioned 180,000 jobs – is more like 19,500, half of which are in construction. I would like the Minister of State's response to that.
Again, we have done extensive evidence-based analysis. If the Deputy examines the Department's KPMG report, he will note it reflects the reality of Ireland being recognised as a global digital hub. I accept that the future pathway needs to be different, and that is exactly what we are implementing. We will no longer be in a position where the sector will be unmanaged. We will introduce a plan-led framework based on the large energy user action plan. That will align energy demand with renewable supply and ensure we have grid stability that is protected. We are also very much focused on accelerating renewable delivery. We will see onshore wind, offshore wind and solar generation capacity rapidly increase, with a target of over 80% by 2030. Along with that, we are introducing affordability measures, and the Deputy will see that in the energy affordability action plan that will be published in quarter 3 of this year.
We welcome regulation and planning in this area. Currently, 22% of our energy is going to data centres. That is going to be 30% by 2030. Even under the Government's current plans, it looks like 55% of our energy will be going towards data centres, if all the data centres that are in planning are built. What does the Minister of State believe is an acceptable proportion of our energy going to data centres? Is it 22%? Is it 30%? Is it 55%? Even 22% means we have five times more energy going to data centres than in the USA. It is 20 times more than in China.
The Minister answered a question earlier on energy security, but data centre strategy is undermining our energy security by increasing the gas demand in this country. Even if only 20% of the energy going into data centres is associated with gas and not renewables, it will double the peak demand for gas in this country. Again, it is undermining the Government's other strategies.
I take the points the Deputy has raised. As I said, that is precisely why we have moved to a more plan-led approach under the large energy user action plan. That is in place. We predict that by the end of the decade, 30% of our energy will be focused towards digital hubs and data centres. What does that mean in practice? It means new connections will be subject to strict conditions. It will also mean that on-site or contracted renewable generation will be required. That is very much focused on a demand-led approach with flexibility. Also, system supports must be provided by operators. Most importantly, data centres are now part of the solution in regard to renewable energy projects, grid connections and energy storage. We have a huge pipeline of onshore and offshore projects coming through. If we manage renewables, we will have less reliance on gas and a stronger grid. That is exactly where Government policy now is focused.
Greenhouse Gas Emissions
5. Deputy Pa Daly asked the Minister for Climate, Energy and the Environment whether he believes the measures that the Government has taken will not be sufficient to reduce emissions to meet both our national and EU climate targets (details supplied); the measures he is taking to address this; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [44297/26]
6. Deputy Grace Boland asked the Minister for Climate, Energy and the Environment the additional measures under consideration to bring Ireland back on track to meet its carbon budgets and legally binding 2030 emissions reduction targets; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [44390/26]
Recent reports have stated Government measures will not be sufficient to reduce emissions in order to meet our national and EU climate targets and obligations. What measures is the Minister taking to address this?
I propose to take Questions Nos. 5 and 6 together.
We are committed to delivering on Ireland's responsibility to address the climate crisis, and work remains ongoing right across government, not just in my Department, to implement climate mitigation measures every single day of the week. My priority is driving implementation, particularly on high-impact measures with multiple societal and economic benefits.
Last month, the Environmental Protection Agency, EPA, launched its latest greenhouse gas emissions projections to 2030, which show that we are moving in the right direction and improving our performance compared with the previous year. For the first time, the EPA now projects that we are close to meeting our first carbon budget, following a consistent trend of improving projections for that budget over recent years. It is important to remember that in 2018, under existing measures, emissions were projected by the EPA to increase by 4% by 2030 because of population growth and economic growth, and that additional measures would reduce emissions by just 1%. Now, it is projecting a decrease in emissions of between 10% and 25% by 2030, which I welcome.
What we have been able to do is to decouple economic growth from emissions growth. We are seeing emissions reduce across many sectors while our population is growing and our economy is growing. We now have the lowest level of greenhouse gas emissions in 35 years, which is notable, given, as I mentioned earlier, we have 1.5 million more people in our country than we had then. More than 1 million new homes have been added since then. We also have over 1 million extra vehicles on our roads. As I mentioned, the important thing is decoupling growth from emissions. We are now world leaders in renewable energy. We have a higher rate of renewables integrated into our grid than any European state. We are more than halving the emissions in our electricity system, which is significant, and are now projected to reduce that by between 53% and 60% by the end of the decade. Emissions in agriculture are set to decrease by between 4% and 19% and emissions in transport are set to decrease by between 16% and 28%.
The EPA report shows that a significant increase in electric vehicles, EVs, last year has led to a significant change in the projections for emissions in the transport sector and we are seeing in the first five months of this year a further ramping up of EVs, in particular. Of course, we need to do more. I want to focus on the most impactful measures. That is why when I bring forward the climate action plan over the coming period, it will be more focused on the most impactful measures and will report on the ones that make the biggest difference. We need to try to bridge the gap to the target that has been set for greenhouse gas emission reductions by 2030. I have said in this House, and have said publicly elsewhere, that we will not reach that target by 2030 but we are moving towards it very well. We can get to that target in the early 2030s. For us in government, and indeed all of us in the House, it is about looking at the measures that we can take now, such as those we have discussed this morning, particularly the acceleration of renewables, the electrification of our country across sectors and the retrofitting of our homes and businesses. We must continue with the pipeline of projects we have, particularly offshore, and get them to construction.
We have seen from one year's projections to the next improvements. That is good. They are not enough to reach our overall target by 2030 but across sectors, we are moving towards the target significantly.
We accept, and the Minister accepts, that the small amount of money allocated for the new EV scheme, which is commencing on 1 July, is not going to address the issue. The way things are going, those funds will probably have been used up by the end of that month. Even though some money has been ring-fenced for rural areas, the scheme is not going to address the glaring need there.
The EPA has made it clear that even if the current measures were to be delivered, they will only cut emissions by approximately 25%. On the EU side, we are heading to approximately 23% when the obligation, as the Minister knows, is 42%. It is a policy failure. The consequence is that we could have up to €28 billion in fines, although the Minister has questioned that. We will have to pay some money towards carbon credit purchases. That money could be invested in communities and workers. Retrofit schemes are still too expensive. Rural communities are still facing rising costs and we have heard about energy prices. Workers and families have to carry this burden without clear, credible income supports and transition pathways. We need a just transition.
While I welcome the progress that is being made, the EPA, as it stands, is telling us that, at best, we are only going to meet half of the targets that we need to meet for 2030. What urgent additional measures is the Minister and his Department considering to try to bring us further forward in reaching our 2030 goals?
I would not dismiss what the EPA says and I have not done so. I welcome the work it does. We are taking measures that have been agreed at Cabinet and among Government members and TDs, such as Deputy Boland, who support the Government. We have changed the retrofitting grants, which has made a massive difference not only from a climate perspective in reducing energy use but also in terms of cost and affordability. Since the changes I brought forward in the first quarter of this year, there has been a doubling. There have been over 50,000 applications to the Sustainable Energy Authority of Ireland, SEAI, for home retrofitting and bringing about that retrofitting passport, to which Deputy Daly also referred, which means that you can break up the grants and make them more accessible. We are seeing people respond to that now, which is good. I want to see more of that. Nearly €670 million has been allocated to that. I want that money invested and spent. Over 264,000 homes have now had energy upgrades. That is very good for climate, good for reducing emissions and very good for household budgets. There were approximately 5,000 business grants last year. I am working on measures to make those business grants more accessible, too.
I brought in another €40 million this year for EVs. There has been a substantial increase in the number of registrations of EVs. I have ring-fenced €10 million for the scrappage scheme. I have been clear that it is a pilot scheme. We want to see how it works. If it is over-subscribed, it is a success. We want to get cars that are 13 years old or older off the roads. I have ring-fenced 65% of that funding for rural areas, which I said I would. Friends of the Earth and others have welcomed the focus on rural areas in particular. I will monitor that. If the scheme is open for one, two or three months and is fully expended, we will go back and look at it again. That is just an example of the type of measures we are looking to bring forward.
Underpinning all of it is the acceleration of renewables. I will come back in with a supplementary contribution.
I know the Minister has been asked to do that in respect of EV cars and it is good that he is moving towards addressing an issue for which we have been calling for a long time, which is the prioritisation of rural areas. What about second-hand cars? It is still the case that for people who will be selling or scrapping cars, it is a small amount of money. How about a scheme for second-hand purchasers if, for example, it is their first time buying an EV? We need a just transition. We need free or subsidised retrofits for those who need them the most. If you are in a rural area or are an older person, you are unlikely to make that big outward investment to retrofit your home. We also need affordable public transport and more rural connectivity. We need income supports and protections for workers and families through the transition. I ask the Minister to address those points and to have more of an emphasis on older people and rural areas. As the Minister knows, one third of the money for EVs has up to now been given for cars that are worth over €55,000.
At a recent meeting of the Committee of Public Accounts, the Minister's Secretary General and I discussed retrofitting and delivering energy efficient homes. She acknowledged that is a real issue and there is a workforce gap. Has the Minister's Department made an assessment of that gap? What measures is he taking to address it?
The Minister mentioned an extra 1 million EVs on the road. What we really need is better public transport. In Fingal, as the Minister knows, we need better public transport. We need local buses to connect our sprawling towns with train lines. We need the electrification.
I ask the Minister and his very capable Secretary General to work with urgency to deliver all of these climate measures to ensure that we meet as much of our target as possible by 2030.
I thank both Deputies. I will try to deal with both of their interventions. Deputy Boland can be assured that everything we do is to try to accelerate the actions we are taking in relation to climate. It is the number one crisis worldwide. Ireland, as a country, has shown that it is able to pivot and change quite quickly. I used the example earlier that we have doubled wind capacity in under ten years. In 2015, there was 2 MW of solar energy in our system. By the end of this year, there will be 3 GW. What does that mean? Just 1 GW is enough to power 500,000 homes. That is where solar has moved quickly. We are seeing a rooftop revolution and well over 120,000 homes with solar panels.
I completely agree about public transport. That is where the national development plan that we all agreed is important. One euro of every four invested between now and the end of this decade is being invested in transport. There is a public transport deficit that we need to catch up with and address with major projects that the Deputy and I are aware of.
In the year before last, which is the last full year for which we have figures, there were 365 million public transport passenger journeys. People are responding. We need to accelerate projects. We regularly discuss the need to get new services in place. The Deputy can be assured that we will do that.
The rural focus on electric vehicles is something Deputy Daly has been calling for. I have also, as part of the additional funding I have brought forward, reduced the value of cars for which grants are applicable from €60,000 to €50,00 because I do not want to grant-aid luxury cars. We want to focus on middle income families and families who actually need that assistance. Under the scrappage scheme, the grant is €8,500. New EV cars can now be bought for close to €20,000. I will not mention which brands; people can have a look. There are good cars available there. I will keep an open mind on second-hand cars but we need to do this through dealerships for certification and application reasons. It is something we will continue to look at.
Sports Events
62. Deputy Joanna Byrne asked the Minister for Culture, Communications and Sport in view of Ministers' comments that they will not attend the Ireland v Israel Nations League fixtures, if he will call for a boycott of these fixtures; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [43392/26]
66. Deputy Ruth Coppinger asked the Minister for Culture, Communications and Sport to report on his engagements with an organisation (details supplied) in relation to the upcoming Nations’ League fixtures with Israel; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [44836/26]
67. Deputy Pádraig O'Sullivan asked the Minister for Culture, Communications and Sport the level of engagement he has had with an organisation (details supplied) and other relevant agencies in relation to safety and security arrangements for the upcoming Ireland v Israel match in Dublin; whether he is satisfied that all necessary measures are in place; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [44321/26]
The Minister of State will appreciate these questions were submitted before the recess and before the Government's shameful response to the two Private Members' motions on the Ireland and Israel fixtures this week. In spite of that, a response is warranted from the Minister of State to the Irish football community and Irish footballers as to why it is okay for him and the Minister, Deputy O'Donovan, to publicly state they will not attend these fixtures, yet they will shoulder that burden onto our footballers and ask them to choose between what is right and wrong, and lining out for their country and playing the game they love.
I propose to take Questions Nos. 62, 66 and 67 together.
At the outset, I believe the Minister has been in touch to indicate he is unavoidably unable to be here this morning. I am taking all the questions this morning for that reason.
I thank the Deputy for her question. As she indicated, this is an issue that has received very strong consideration and debate in the House, particularly over the course of this past week. As I outlined in those debates, from the point of view of the Government, it has been providing leadership on what is happening in Palestine and the unacceptable actions of the Israeli Government on many occasions, which has led to many innocent lives lost and so much destruction, as well as genocidal behaviour in the persecution in the war in Palestine. The Irish Government has led out internationally on addressing this and has been at the forefront of forming international opinion, whether that is the recognition of the State of Palestine, ensuring that UNRWA is fully supported and has its funding increased, or in the legal sphere in joining the South African legal case in the European Court of Justice regarding the genocidal behaviour by Israel in Palestine.
However, when it comes to the sporting situation, while the Government runs the country and sets our political policy, it is a well-established principle internationally that sporting organisations and federations are responsible for the conduct of sport. In this regard, it is UEFA at a European level and FIFA at a world level that decide and make policy decisions on whether teams and countries participate in competition. Obviously, we recognise the difficult position the FAI is in here with regard to the draw and having two games to participate in, but it has to work within the UEFA structures. After its AGM last November, the FAI brought a motion to UEFA seeking to have Israel excluded from international competition. It received very little support from other footballing nations on this and it now has to work within the UEFA rules. It has now indicated and made the decision to fulfil those two fixtures. This is a matter for the FAI to decide and the Government fully respects that. It is not appropriate for the Government to interfere here.
We debated motions on this over the past two days, the content of which would ultimately mean Irish athletes would not participate in international sports competitions in which Israel is also participating. For example, this would ultimately mean we would not be in a position to have any athletes participating in the next LA Olympics. Again, that is a matter for sporting bodies to decide upon. We as a Government will continue to give very strong leadership internationally in the political sense, but it is up to each sporting federation to make their own call, and the FAI has done so with the two fixtures it is programmed to play at the end of September and start of October.
I am delighted the Minister of State has learned a new word since Tuesday night-Wednesday morning. In the response which the Minister of State, Deputy McConalogue, gave to me on Tuesday night and which was carbon-copied by the Minister of State, Deputy Dooley, on Wednesday morning, the word "genocide" never featured at all. It is great that he has learned that word in the past two days. Even though he has now acknowledged there is a genocide and obviously understands what a genocide is, he still cannot grasp the magnitude of what this means to the Irish footballing community. They do not want this match to proceed. They do not want to normalise sports-washing.
Ireland playing Israel normalises a genocidal regime and gives cover for statute violations, for apartheid and for war crimes. In standing up and saying he will not attend these fixtures all he is doing is putting that pressure and that burden on our footballers. Inevitably, if this goes ahead, our footballers will have to make a conscious choice individually or collectively as a team as whether they should fulfil this fixture and it is not fair. The Minister of State had an opportunity this week to empower the FAI and to support the FAI. So, I do not buy all this back tapping for the FAI. The Minister of State had an opportunity to stand with the FAI, to stand with Irish football and to stand with our Irish football team but he chose not to. Shame on him.
I totally refute that. Internationally we, as a country, have led out. We have called out the genocidal activity that Israel has persecuted in Palestine. We have led internationally in pushing for stronger sanctions to reflect the unacceptable behaviour of Israel and we will continue to do so.
You did not do so this week.
Just last week the occupied territories Bill was approved by Cabinet will be brought through the Houses between now and the summer. Let us be clear. The Deputy is suggesting that the Government should get involved in deciding not just for the FAI but for all sporting organisations what competitions they should and should not participate in. The point that she is focusing on most of all is the Israel game coming up. However, she supports and did so again here last night that for all sports where Israel is participating, including for example the next Los Angeles Olympics, Irish athletes should not compete. That is what she is proposing. That would mean the Government getting involved in an unprecedented way in relation to the conduct of all sports and indeed preventing us from being able to participate in the Olympics for example. If other governments across the world took a similar approach to sport, sport simply would not be able to be conducted because of it always being mired in politics. Whatever the merits or otherwise might be, sport simply would not be able to be conducted across the world.
History, including his own party’s history, is lost on the Minister of State. There is a precedent in this State of us taking a stand when it comes to sport. It is wrong for him to stand there and tell me that it is unprecedented. That is factually incorrect. He is a Fianna Fáil Member and he should know this. He should talk to his previous Taoiseach. There is absolutely no justification for it. What he is saying this morning, what he said on Tuesday night and the script he handed to his colleague to say to Deputy Gibney on Wednesday morning is absolutely shameful and there is no justification for it. I think deep down he knows that because otherwise he would not have sat at the Oireachtas Joint Committee on sport to say he would not attend these fixtures but yet he expects our national team to line out and attend them. It is shocking and absolutely shameful. He is going down the wrong side of history on this.
It would be unprecedented to follow through on what the Deputy and Members of the Opposition are proposing, which is not participating in international sporting competitions, including not participating in the next Olympic Games as a country.
The Minister of State is deflecting-----
I am not.
----- from the stop-the-game question that I specifically put to him on Tuesday night.
Deputy Byrne, allow the Minister of State to answer, please.
I am addressing the issue and addressing proposals that are coming from the Opposition, including all the logical outworkings of what the Deputy is proposing. It would be unprecedented and would have the Government getting involved in an unprecedented way in dictating what should happen in relation to sport.
It is taking a stand through sport.
We will continue to lead out politically at European level as we have done here.
What about harmony?
As I have said on a number of occasions, there is a real difference between what happened with Russia where there was unity at an EU political level to apply sanctions and also where both UEFA and FIFA banned Russia from participating in their competitions. That has not happened either at political level - there is not a consensus there - in relation to Israel or on the sporting side from UEFA or FIFA.
I call Deputy Pádraig O’Sullivan. He is aware that the questions were grouped and his Question No. 67 is part of that group.
I wish to ask specifically about the operational side of things in preparation for potentially playing this match in Dublin. What level of engagement has the FAI had with relevant agencies, including Dublin City Council and An Garda Síochána over the past number of weeks in anticipation of this match? Are there any security concerns if the match were to be hosted here? What risks have been highlighted? What steps are being taken to mitigate those risks if the match were to be held? I will not get into a debate with the Minister of State about the merits of playing the match; we had a vote on that last night. However, I am interested in the preparations that have been made if the game were to be played here. We need to understand any risks highlighted by An Garda Síochána and Dublin City Council. I wish to find out about the level of engagement, the number of meetings and the content of those meetings.
The FAI has been engaging domestically with the Garda in relation to the policing of the event. It has also been engaging internationally with other football associations. For example, it has engaged with the Norwegian Football Association, which hosted a match against Israel in Oslo in November, to learn from its experience and to see how the FAI can apply any learnings in relation to the operation of that match. We have had number of conversations with the FAI where it updated us on the steps it is taking as well but it is always on the basis that this is a matter for the FAI to deal with and a decision for it. I know from reports in recent days that it is considering whether the match be played in Dublin or elsewhere. Again, that is a matter for the FAI to decide on. We respect the responsibility and role it has as a football association and as the national governing body to make that call.
I refer to an article in The Irish Times from two days ago which stated that the association’s board continues to meet to discuss the operational aspects of hosting the home fixture but that there are ongoing discussions. That is fine. It is still discussing potentially hosting the game here albeit as the Minister of State has referenced, it is very likely that the game will be held elsewhere if it is held at all. If the FAI is having meetings to discuss operational aspects of hosting it still, has the Minister of State had any briefing from the FAI, An Garda Síochána or Dublin City Council about the risks, what it would cost, the additional security and any of that type of detail in relation to upcoming fixture?
The Department of sport has not been involved in the operational details or discussions, which are matters for the FAI to deal with along with the appropriate authorities. It has had ongoing engagement with the Garda. I know the Garda has indicated to the FAI that it is willing to police the game but they continue to engage. I have no doubt the FAI has been engaging with Dublin City Council. We have not been party to those discussions. Obviously, this is a matter for the FAI to decide upon in relation to participating in the game and also as to where it would take place having had consultations particularly with the Garda authorities and Dublin City Council. It is entirely a matter for the FAI and not one of the Department of sport has been involved in.
Planning Issues
63. Deputy Sinéad Gibney asked the Minister for Culture, Communications and Sport whether his Department has engaged with other relevant Departments to close the governance gap which exists regarding codes of practice for live events; whether his Department is in favour of codes of practice for live events falling under a single Department or body; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [44878/26]
I am following up today on the codes of practice for live events which I raised as a topic with the Minister, Deputy O’Donovan, in March. I received correspondence which clearly shows confusion between Departments as to who is responsible for the codes of practice for live events. Will the Department support an effort alongside other Departments to close the governance gap and give organisers clarity?
The Department has responsibility for policy and various funding streams that support the development of the live music sector. The Department, both through its own schemes as well as its funding of the Arts Council, provides a range of support to organisations that play essential roles in the development of live music events across the country. However, the Minister has no general responsibility for live events which extends beyond concerts and sport events. The codes of practice in relation to live events fall within the remit of a number of different bodies and Departments.
There are a number of key pieces of legislation, none of which fall under the remit of this Department, that are applicable to events. Part 16 of the Planning and Development Act 2000, as amended, which deals primarily with the licensing of large-scale outdoor events, is a matter for the Department of Housing, Local Government and Heritage. The licensing of events is a matter for local authorities under the licensing of outdoor events regulations, which were most recently amended under the Planning and Development Act 2000. In addition, the events industry is a matter for the Minister for Enterprise, Tourism and Employment, Deputy Burke, and the Safety, Health and Welfare at Work Act 2005. Associated regulations are a matter for the Health and Safety Authority.
Of course, the Department will continue to support the live music sector through policy and various funding streams. Ultimately, as I have stated, the codes of practice for live events or music events do not fall under the remit of the Department.
It is incredibly helpful that the Minister of State read that response because anyone listening is going to hear how complex this is. It is complex for me when I am trying to find information from parliamentary questions. We keep getting batted around. We cannot identify the right agency with responsibility for this. Once again, will the Minister of State do some work to clarify this?
Events are experiencing difficulty because different, inconsistent approaches are being taken depending on the local authority and the style of the event in question, be it a music, sporting or community event. There is simply no definition as to what a live event is. It seems clear to me that the Department of Culture, Communications and Sport is the Department that should have primary responsibility for this. Will the Minister of State work with those other Departments to help people who are trying to navigate this? In many cases, they are dealing with this level of complexity on top of already being underfunded and under-resourced. Often, the teams trying to navigate this work on a voluntary basis. They then end up dealing with additional expense and health and safety issues. Will the Minister of State take responsibility and work with his Cabinet colleagues on this? I ask him and the Department to take a lead on resolving this.
This is something that the night-time economy task force considered. It made recommendations that clear processes and procedures should be consistently applied across local authorities to assist festival and event organisers and ensure safe attendance at community group events of fewer than 5,000 people. The Department has been engaging with the Local Government Management Agency, LGMA, and the County and City Management Association, CCMA, which are leading on this action within the night-time economy task force, to examine ways to standardise the approach to event planning and streamline a system for festival organisers and event planners. Some local authorities, such as Fingal County Council, have developed guidance and templates to assist event organisers. I understand these have also been introduced across other local authority areas.
The night-time economy implementation group is continuing to work in partnership with the Department of justice, An Garda Síochána, the HSE and the Department of Health to ensure that we support the ongoing safety and innovative measures across all night-time economy activities, including outdoor festivals. It is something that has been addressed and discussed within the night-time economy task force. Work is continuing on its implementation.
The night-time economy task force is under the remit of the Minister of State’s Department. Is that correct?
Yes.
The Minister of State rattled off even more agencies, which only adds to the complexity people are navigating. Will he, or the Minister, Deputy O’Donovan, commit to meet us so that we can thrash this out a little? We have been working with stakeholders in this space, such as the live events association. The Irish Music Rights Organisation, IMRO, has a big interest in this as well.
It is not just about the impact on organisations, however. Our young people have had community supports withdrawn. Movements like Give Us The Night are fighting for the entertainment sector to be preserved as a result of the growing cost of living. Many communities find themselves without places to meet, congregate or have joint experiences. That has a real isolating effect and means that vital sources of culture, entertainment and community are simply vanishing. With the decline of pubs and clubs, including the closure of The Complex in Dublin, we have seen that the hands-off approach does not work. I am keen to work on this, get clarity for these stakeholders and help them navigate what is a complex system that means they are falling between multiple stools. I would appreciate a commitment from the Minister of State that he will engage to deal with this effectively.
As a Government and Department, we should always be open to assessing and discussing the challenges that are there, as well as listening to any ideas people have. As I said, the night-time economy task force considered and made recommendations in this regard. I am happy to ask officials to engage further with the Deputy around any proposals she might have and to consider the matter further. It is important that we always keep these matters under review. Where there are challenges and further discussion needed, that should happen. Certainly, I will ask for that engagement with the Deputy.
An Ghaeltacht
64. D'fhiafraigh Deputy Aengus Ó Snodaigh den Minister for Culture, Communications and Sport cén plean atá ag a Roinn agus ag na hInstitiúidí Náisiúnta Cultúir chun comóradh agus ceiliúradh a dhéanamh ar 100 bliain ó tugadh aitheantas oifigiúil don Ghaeltacht den chéad uair. [43393/26]
Cad atá beartaithe ag an Stát, an Roinn agus na hinstitiúidí náisiúnta cultúir chun comóradh agus ceiliúradh a dhéanamh ar 100 bliain ó tugadh aitheantas oifigiúil don Ghaeltacht?
Ar iarratas ó mo Roinn, d’eagraigh An Chartlann Náisiúnta - foras a thagann faoi scáth na Roinne - taispeántas den chéad scoth anuraidh, An Ghaeilge agus Daonáireamh na Gaeltachta 1925. Bhí an taispeántas le feiceáil i gceanncheathrú nua mo Roinne agus ag an gcomórtas treabhdóireachta, the ploughing championship, i mí Mheán Fómhair seo caite. Cuireadh béim sa taispeántas ar an nasc idir cúrsaí teanga, polasaí agus féiniúlachta ó bhlianta tosaigh an Stáit go dtí an lá atá inniu ann. Léiríodh, trí cháipéisí cartlainne, na hiarrachtaí chun an Ghaeilge a chosaint agus a athneartú, ag tosú le daonáireamh na Gaeltachta i 1925 agus obair Choimisiún na Gaeltachta.
Cé nach eol dom aon taispeántas eile in institiúidí náisiúnta cultúrtha i mbliana, tá mo Roinn ag tacú le tionscnamh Chomhairle Contae na Gaillimhe, Croí na Gaeltachta: Guthanna an Phobail, 1926. Déanfar iniúchadh mar chuid den tionscnamh seo ar thaithí shóisialta, cultúrtha agus stairiúil phobail Ghaeltachta Chonamara le linn bhlianta tosaigh an Stáit. Beidh clár cónaithe d'ealaíontóirí ann agus glacfaidh pobail áitiúla páirt i ngníomhaíochtaí ag tarraingt ar scéalta, nósanna áitiúla agus an teanga. Tá sé mar aidhm go gcruthófar saothar nua ealaíne a léireoidh teacht aniar, cruthaitheacht agus féiniúlacht na bpobal Gaeltachta.
I mí Dheireadh Fómhair, reáchtálfar clár mar chuid d'fhéile ealaíon-----
Gabhaim buíochas leis an Aire Stáit.
Bunaíodh Coimisiún na Gaeltachta in 1925 chun daonáireamh a dhéanamh orthu siúd a raibh Gaeilge acu timpeall na tíre. Rinne An Garda Síochána an census sin. Tháinig a lán eolais as. Bunaithe air sin, leagadh amach na ceantair ar ghá cosaint a dhéanamh orthu agus tacaíocht bhreise a thabhairt dóibh le déanamh cinnte go gcosnófaí an tseoid náisiúnta a bhíodh timpeall na gceantar sin, is í sin, an Ghaeilge agus an cultúr Gaelach agus Gaeltachta. Bhí 82 moladh ag an gcoimisiún. In 1928, bhí díospóireacht sa Dáil faoi. I dtuairisc uachtarán an choimisiúin, dúirt sé, “Our language has been waylaid, beaten and robbed, and left for dead by the wayside”. Dúirt an Teachta Dála, Proinsias Ó Fathaigh, le linn na díospóireachta sin, “A patient in such dire straits needs special care and attention, needs nursing and special remedies.” Níl na remedies sin ag tarlú go fóill. Tá géarchás fós ó thaobh na teanga de sa Ghaeltacht.
Obviously, it is an historic moment to be 100 years on since the Gaeltacht was first officially recognised. The Deputy is asking what the Department of Culture, Communications and Sport in particular is doing to commemorate this. Across government, all Departments are going to have to consider and appropriately recognise this. Regarding my Department, last year, at the National Archives of Ireland we had an exhibition, The Irish Language and the 1925 Census of the Gaeltacht. I also outlined how the Department is supporting Galway County Council’s initiative, croí na Gaeltachta, community voices 1926. This October, Donegal County Council’s Wainfest, which is an arts and book festival, will include a programme aimed at primary school children with a particular emphasis on the Irish language and the Gaeltacht. Those are some of the steps that my Department is taking. Obviously, across government, it is important we commemorate this important moment of being 100 years on from the official recognition of the Gaeltacht.
Ag an am a rinneadh an daonáireamh, is An Garda Síochána, mar a dúirt mé, a rinne an daonáireamh. Bhí na Gaeilgeoirí á gcomhaireamh timpeall na gcontaetha acu. Ag an am céanna, bhí siad ag comhaireamh cé mhéad bó agus caora a bhí ag daoine. Those who spoke Irish in what are now Gaeltacht areas were equated with sheep and cattle, which were also being recorded by the commission and the census by An Garda Síochána at the time. Ag an stad seo, ceapann daoine fós go bhfuil an Ghaeilge agus an Ghaeltacht i mbaol agus is léir sin ó na fadhbanna atá ann. Cad atáimid chun a dhéanamh? Cad iad na céimeanna? Ní comóradh agus céimeanna amháin atá ann, cad iad na céimeanna breise ar gá a dhéanamh chun a chinntiú, i gceann 100 bliain eile go mbeidh an Ghaeltacht fós beo beathach? Sin an cheist mhór seachas díreach comóradh agus ceiliúradh.
I have outlined the steps we are taking from a departmental point of view. It has been wonderful in recent years to see the renaissance of the Irish language and the particular focus on the spoken language. It is lamentable how so many of us have come through our education system and have such a poor grasp of speaking Irish. Unfortunately, I include myself in that, even though I come from a county - although I live a good distance from a Gaeltacht area - that has such a proud tradition and has kept the Irish language alive.
It is important we recognise how the Gaeltacht has progressed in the 100 years since its establishment and, in particular, take learnings from it. As we go forward, we have to try to ensure the Irish language is built upon. The momentum behind the language in recent times has been energising and from a Government point of view, it is important that we support that. The Deputy asked how our Department in particular is recognising that 100 years on from the establishment of the Gaeltacht. It is important we play a role in that, as we do across government. Most important is supporting growth again so that more and more people across the country can speak our native language fluently.
National Governing Bodies
65. Deputy Robert O'Donoghue asked the Minister for Culture, Communications and Sport if consideration has been given to the establishment of an independent governance authority for local sports and athletics clubs to oversee committee conduct, ensure compliance with governance standards, provide independent dispute resolution mechanisms and support transparency and accountability in club administration; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [43961/26]
Has consideration been given to the establishment of an independent governance authority for sporting and volunteer organisations to oversee committee conduct, ensure compliance with governance standards, provide independent dispute resolution mechanisms and support transparency and accountability in organisational administration? I have been asking this question for a while and I seem to be pushed from one agency to another without being able to get a clear answer.
National governing bodies of sport, NGBs, which represent over 13,000 sports clubs throughout the country, are independent, autonomous organisations which are responsible for governance of their sports at national, local and other levels, including disciplinary and complaints processes. Sport Ireland, as Ireland's sports development agency, works with NGBs to ensure that appropriate governance and safeguarding policies are put in place, as well as mechanisms to handle complaints or issues when they arise. This work is underpinned by Sport Ireland's governance code for sport, compliance with which is a condition of funding for NGBs.
While I am always open to exploring policy initiatives that could improve the operation of the Irish sports ecosystem, I consider that establishing a separate statutory governance authority for NGBs is not required and could have unintended negative consequences. For example, it could undermine NGB operational autonomy, alienate volunteer-led club networks, create bureaucratic duplication or trigger jurisdictional conflicts within existing international sports federations. Moving the disciplinary and dispute resolution processes of NGBs to a stand-alone governance authority could also lead to significant additional costs for the sector.
The safeguarding of everyone at all levels of sport, regardless of age, is a shared responsibility. In August 2023, a new national code of conduct template for sporting organisations was launched by Sport Ireland. The code sets out guidelines and principles promoting the behaviours and conduct expected from athletes, coaches, parents and guardians, supporters, referees, officials and all club members. All NGBs are expected to use this template code of conduct as an opportunity to review their existing policies and procedures for handling code breaches to ensure a safe and respectful environment for all involved in Irish sport. Leadership is being provided through Sport Ireland and the national governing bodies. To take that away from the NGBs entirely and have a separate body would have repercussions and undermine those NGBs. I am open to having further discussion on what is an important point. It is something we should consider fully.
I thank the Minister of State for his response. I have come across a case in a volunteer-led organisation where a member raised serious issues through the appropriate channels. The organisation's committee stated that the matter had been investigated. However, it subsequently emerged that no thorough investigation had taken place. Most concerning of all, the party who made the complaint was not engaged in the process. When the complainant sought to escalate the matter to the NGB, they were informed that NGBs do not have the governance oversight of individual committees. There appears to be a significant accountability gap. In some cases, committee members can become embedded in positions of authority and act as though they are beyond scrutiny. No committee should be permitted to operate as though it owns the club or disregard the concerns of members without oversight. These organisations are in receipt of public money and membership fees but little governance or accountability seems to be attached to that.
This is an issue that requires careful consideration. To a significant extent, we have to empower NGBs and their membership to have good codes of governance and conduct within their organisations to deal with issues that arise. We would have to carefully consider any step that would bring that into a State body. It would have significant unintended consequences.
We are reviewing our national sport policy and there will be a public consultation over the coming months. It is important that all issues are considered in discussions on developing that policy and that it is thoroughly thought out. The Federation of Irish Sport, which is an independent organisation and works with our national governing bodies, offers a dispute resolution service for NGBs that have not been able to resolve a dispute within their organisation. That is an important service. To put it on a statutory basis would be a different kettle of fish altogether.
It is good to hear about empowering NGBs and I accept that care and consideration are needed on this matter. Volunteer organisations play a vital role in our communities, but with that role comes responsibility to uphold good governance, transparency and accountability. I urge the Minister of State to bring forward those measures that he just mentioned and further measures, where they are needed, to ensure that members have access to an independent avenue of appeal when local governance processes fail.
I have since received a number of further disclosures from clubs and volunteer organisations concerning the conduct of committee members and the treatment of fee-paying members. Regrettably, a recurring response seems to be that those who disagree with the organisation's policies are encouraged to leave, when these policies could be causing significant distress to members of these organisations. It is deeply concerning that this situation arises. It poses serious questions about accountability and governance within these organisations. Who ensures that complaints are treated fairly, transparently and in accordance with the basic principles of natural justice?
Sport Ireland is always available to work with national governing bodies in respect of their governance and how they run themselves. In 2023, it set in place the governance code for sport. It also launched the national code of conduct template, which NGBs are encouraged to adopt to make sure the structures and policies they have in place, and within which their membership, oversight bodies and committees have to operate, work. As I said, the Federation of Irish Sport also has a disputes resolution facility in place.
We have seen massive evolution and development in sporting governance and organisation over the last generation. The development and establishment of Sport Ireland over 20 years ago and bringing our national governing bodies underneath it was a massive step forward, one which has been very productive and enhanced sport nationally. The funding we have provided has added to that.
Where one puts the line and how one empowers NGBs is an important issue, one that we have to keep under review and consistently learn from. It is important that, in as far as possible, it is the members who deal with issues, with good conduct, governance and codes to guide them.
Questions Nos. 66 and 67 taken with Question No. 62.
Question No. 66 was grouped with Questions Nos. 62 and 67. With the permission of Members, we will go back and take a question from Deputy Coppinger on Question No. 66.
Apologies, I did not realise my question was grouped.
It was, but go ahead with your question, Deputy.
I have heard the Minister of State say that sport and politics are separate. I thought that was quite amusing since he is a political representative in charge of sport, so obviously they are not separate. The Government, including the Tánaiste recently, has said it has no role whatsoever in the Irish team playing against Israel in the two upcoming fixtures and it is solely up to the FAI. I do not know if the Minister of State received a letter from a legal firm but he will receive one because he does have a role, as does the Government, under many laws and because the FAI is publicly funded and we have signed the Genocide Convention. Deputy McConalogue is the Minister of State with overarching responsibility for sport. The FAI receives €6 million per annum and is a public body under genocide laws, the European Convention of Human Rights and the Irish Human Rights and Equality Commission Act.
I thank Deputy Coppinger. I have not personally received a legal letter. There was correspondence to our Department. That legal letter was actually addressed to the previous Cabinet Minister, Catherine Martin, but it has been assessed and considered by the Department. As I have said in this House on numerous occasions this week, this is an issue that, from a footballing perspective, is one for the FAI to work on within the structures it has within UEFA and FIFA. It has been proactive within UEFA in bringing a motion seeking to have Israel excluded from competitions. Unlike what happened with Russia, where UEFA and FIFA banned Russia from participating in competitions, the FAI got very little support within UEFA whenever it brought that motion forward. The FAI then had a decision to make as to whether it will fulfil those games and it has decided and has been very clear that it intends to do so.
From a political point of view, the Government will continue to lead out in the international arena, particularly in the European scene, on addressing Israel's behaviour and the absolutely unacceptable conduct we saw in the war, the unacceptable loss of innocent lives and genocidal behaviour. We will continue to do that. Between now and the summer, we will bring forward an occupied territories Bill in the Dáil to be passed by the Oireachtas as the latest step in providing that leadership and example internationally.
I keep hearing the Minister of State say "we will continue to do". What has the Government actually done? I know it has talked but here is the chance to actually do something. For example, under the ruling of the International Court of Justice, which this Government has signed up to, all states are obliged not to recognise Israel's illegal acts. Only this week, two Palestinian women footballers were kidnapped. We know ten clubs play in occupied Palestinian territories. We know Israel has killed 1,000 athletes. What more does the Government want? We know it is very afraid of the American multinationals but surely the Government could do something on this. It has failed to act. The staff and players have a legal right to freedom of expression. I will keep the pressure on the Government to underwrite any potential losses the FAI might endure. It is very clear, however, that the FAI has huge legal grounds because UEFA is breaching its own statutes and legislation. There is no way the FAI would face fines.
What the Deputy has been supporting and proposing in the House this week is not just related to the match, which obviously has dominated the discussion and debates. What she has been supporting and advocating is that all Irish athletes across all sports should not participate in any competitions internationally in which Israel is also participating. That basically means that while the illegal occupation of the occupied territories continues, Ireland would not participate in any sports anywhere. It would not just apply to the match at the end of September but to all sports. It means we would not be sending a team to the Los Angeles Olympic Games in 2028 unless the occupied territories are unoccupied by that point in time. That is what the Opposition is advocating for. It does not just relate to the match. It is the logical extension of saying the match should not go ahead. We have been clear, from a Government point of view, that it is not through closing down all sport that we take a stance and show leadership politically. It is by doing what we have been doing internationally, which we have been very much to the forefront of.
My position is not that Irish athletes should have to take a decision not to participate. Israel should be kicked out of all sporting competitions, in the same way Russia was. Does the Minister of State agree with Russia being banned? I would like an answer to that question. Failing the authorities taking action, because they are hugely corrupt, players and athletes may have to take a decision, and they should take a decision. I would prefer if they took it as a collective, and I think they will. We already had Séamus Coleman say the other night that it should not be down to the players, it should be down to the governing bodies and the Government, but the players do know what is right and wrong. They should not be put in that position, however. They should have the full support of their governing body and the State.
The women's football team showed this in 2017 when they went on strike. If the Minister of State recalls, they refused to play against Czechia, which was a World Cup qualifier. They wore jerseys with "respect" written on them because they were facing discrimination in the way they were being treated. The Spanish women's football team refused to play until Rubiales was kicked out, so it can be done. Pressure can be put on to force change.
I absolutely agree with the sanctions against Russia, which have been implemented with unity across the EU and have been replicated at a sporting level by FIFA and UEFA, excluding Russia from competitions.
That was four years ago.
We as a country have worked to try to get strong sanctions against Israel for its behaviours over the last period of time. At European level, we are seeking the suspension of the EU-Israel Association Agreement. To be clear about what Deputy Coppinger is saying, rather than Ireland continuing to lead out politically at international level, as we have done, and which we will do again in passing the occupied territories Bill in this House, the Deputy is saying that all of our athletes across all sports should stop participating in all competitions. That is what is being asked by the Opposition in this House this week and it is what the Government voted down. That is not the way for this country to do its work politically. It is a matter for each sporting organisation, within its federation, to decide its own participation and it is a matter for the governing bodies to have that exclusive option and decision.
We are asking the Government to act.