I thank Deputy Gibney and the Social Democrats for tabling this motion and I apologise for not being here at the outset of the debate. Based on the debate in the House today and the debate on the Sinn Féin Private Member's motion last night, as well as from the discussions we have on a regular basis in this House, it is very clear that this House and the people of Ireland have significant concerns about Israeli actions in Palestine and the dire and worsening humanitarian situation in Gaza. I reiterate that Israeli actions in Palestine consistently contravene international law. The Irish Government continues to press for appropriate action both at EU and international level in response to egregious Israeli breaches of human rights and democratic principles. Last year the independent international commission on the occupied territories called it out for what it is: genocide, the gravest of crimes in international law. The prevention by Israel of essential and sufficient humanitarian aid going in to the people of Gaza, the continued facilitation of violent settlers in the West Bank and the appalling displacement of so many people in Lebanon is completely unacceptable. Ireland has taken a strong stance in respect of the ongoing conflict in the Middle East, including recognising the State of Palestine, and the Government stands ready to play its part in working towards a sustainable peace between Israel and Palestine through the realisation of a two-state solution. We have a consistently strong record as a country in driving these issues and in taking action, including by intervening in the case taken by South Africa against Israel in the International Court of Justice alleging violations of the genocide convention. These are no small measures for a country like Ireland to take but it is clear that they will not be sufficient to drive meaningful change on the ground. The Government believes that the most effective and impactful way to deal with Israeli actions is at European Union level. It is clear that the EU needs to do more on this issue and the Taoiseach has written to the President of the European Council, Mr. António Costa, asking that it is put on the table for the next European Council meeting which, I understand, he has agreed to do. We will continue to raise this at EU level which we believe will ultimately have far more effect than unilateral actions taken at home. We will also continue our endeavours to use our influence to persuade the international community to take appropriate action and stop this conflict. Much has been made in this debate of moral imperatives. It is clear that the moral imperative in Ireland is to do what is most effective in attempting to mitigate and end the suffering of the Palestinian people. Reducing this conflict to one or two particular football games does not achieve that objective. For good reasons, governments should not interfere with international sports federations nor national governing bodies of sport, particularly in regard to directing who should play whom in international sporting events. FIFA, the world football governing body, and UEFA, the European football governing body are responsible for the system within which these fixtures are scheduled. They both maintain a strong line against interference by governments in international football competitions. What we do not want is to see the Irish team penalised due to interference by an Irish government. We are in government to run the country and the FAI should be left to run football. It would be a strange sight indeed to see governments dictating football fixtures or fixtures in any sport. The FAI. to its credit, has strongly represented the views of its membership that Israel should be excluded from international football competitions, including bringing a motion to UEFA to this effect last year. While we may all agree with the motion, the reality is that it was not passed by UEFA. The FAI must conduct itself in line with UEFA rules. While deciding whether to fulfil these fixtures is ultimately a matter for the FAI, it must be acknowledged that refusing to play the games against Israel risks isolating Irish football from the international football community. This risk does not fall upon Members of this House but on the FA,I which has the decision-making and stewardship capacity. The FAI's role is to ensure that football remains viable domestically and in good standing globally, without inflicting long-term institutional damage on the sport. With support from the Government, the FAI has made great strides in reforming its operations over recent years, driving change towards a modern, professional and sustainable football ecosystem in the country. It is in no one's interests that Irish football becomes isolated and indefinitely dependent on Government goodwill, as has been effectively suggested by some in recent days. Punishing athletes for the actions of governments undermines the foundational principles of international sportsmanship. Players have trained their entire lives to compete for their country at the highest level and denying Irish footballers the opportunity to compete in the Nations League compromises their opportunity to engage in sport as well. The motion is not limited to the upcoming Nations League matches but calls on the Government to support any and all sporting boycotts against Israel. Let us be clear about what it proposes. It calls on Irish sporting bodies to boycott fixtures, events and competitions where Israel is competing, as long as the illegal occupation continues. An official boycott would set a dangerous precedent with wider implications that are not realistic or reasonable in the sporting landscape. Reflecting the reality that meaningful change on the ground in this conflict will not be driven by unilateral action by Ireland but by action at an EU and international level, the motion risks isolating Irish sport, financially undermining the entire sector and reducing it to a tool of foreign policy. Across all sports Irish athletes are currently trying to qualify for the Los Angeles Olympics. Many will have to compete against athletes from Israel. Are these young sports people supposed to park their Olympic dreams because the IOC has not excluded Israel? Should our boxers sit out international tournaments where there is an Israeli competitor? The same could be argued for our rowers, sailors and almost all athletes across all sports. If the Social Democrats' motion and approach was to be followed through, it would be an empty plane that departs for Los Angeles. Many Deputies have referenced UEFA, FIFA and other sporting organisations that have excluded Russia from international sporting competitions. Conveniently, they do not note that these exclusions were not decided by unilateral action but by multilateral action by a significant number of national sporting organisations. As has been long pointed out during this debate, all national governing bodies of sport, including the FAI, are independent and autonomous bodies responsible for the governance of their own sports, including the organisation of fixtures. The FAI is completely within its rights to fulfil these international fixtures and the Government acknowledges its right to do so. This well-established position has been rejected by the Social Democrats. Last night, Deputy Gibney called on the Government to intervene in the governance of football, and she does so again with this motion. As I have outlined previously, this would be very much at odds with the appropriate way for sports to be separate from political decisions. The Government does not have the legal authority to interfere with sporting fixtures and our amendment to the motion reflects this position. The Government's proposal to amend the wording of this motion has been submitted to the House.

Sentiment score: 0.06