I acknowledge the work done in this area across the Chamber, in particular by my colleague, Deputy Rice. The provisions related to disregarding historical convictions are not only welcome, they are overdue. It is sometimes easy to talk about progress as though it is inevitable and Ireland simply arrived at a more equal place by accident. The reality is those rights were hard fought for. They were won by grit, determination, hurt and harm and by those who chose to believe in better. It is not some distant chapter of history in which homosexuality was criminalised in this country; it is within living memory. There are people alive today who grew up in a State that told them there was something wrong with who they are. These are people who carried not only the stigma of discrimination but, in some cases, the weight of a criminal conviction for consensual relationships. That was wrong, and where the State has done wrong, it has a responsibility to put it right. At a time when we are seeing attacks on LGBTQ+ communities re-emerge across the world, and there are still countries where people face imprisonment simply for being gay, it is important that Ireland continues to move in the opposite direction. It is fitting that we are discussing these measures during Pride month. Pride continues to be a hugely important recognition of those who came before us, a recognition of the harm that was done and that equality is not something that can ever be taken for granted. These provisions matter because they acknowledge a simple truth, namely, people should not spend the rest of their lives carrying the consequences of laws which should have never existed in the first place. For that reason, we will be supporting this important provision. There are aspects of the Bill which are particularly welcome, such as the inclusion of those convicted as juveniles. We know that some young people were caught up in a system that not only criminalised them but, in some cases, led them into institutions where the consequences followed them for years afterwards. The recognition of discriminatory policing is also significant. For many gay men it was not simply the laws themselves which caused harm but the way in which those laws were enforced. Practices of entrapment and targeted policing ruined lives and careers and left many carrying a burden that lasted decades. The recognition that many people were forced to leave this country to escape persecution is also welcome. We should never forget that for many Irish people, emigration was not a choice made in pursuit of opportunity, but an escape from a society that refused to accept them for who they were. While we welcome the scheme overall, there are still issues that deserve further consideration. I am concerned that former members of the Defence Forces who may have been dishonourably discharged or otherwise penalised under parallel military provisions do not appear to be fully covered. The proposed timeframe may also be too restrictive. We know from every other historical injustice this State has attempted to address that trauma does not operate on a Dáil timetable. It can take years for people to feel ready to come forward. That challenge will be even greater for those now living abroad. These are not reasons to oppose the scheme; far from it. They are reasons to continue to improve it. If this legislation proceeds quickly to the Seanad, as appears likely, I hope there will be an opportunity to examine some of those issues further. While I welcome the substance of these provisions, I have to say that the process by which multiple complex policies have been added to this legislation at the last minute is deeply frustrating. Once again, we are looking at a Bill that has become a vehicle for pretty much everything the Minister has chosen to add into it, without scrutiny. It deals with community sanctions, the use of incapacitant spray in prisons, counselling records in rape trials, firearms legislation, Defence Forces powers, European arrest warrants and now it deals with international criminal law and historical convictions. Many of those issues deserve attention and many deserve reform, but every single one of them deserves proper scrutiny. Let us take the issue of counselling notes in sexual offence trials. We are talking about legislation that will affect survivors of rape and sexual violence and that goes to the heart of privacy, dignity, access to counselling, fair trial rights and the administration of justice. This is one of the most sensitive areas of criminal law this House has legislated for. The same can be said of the Defence Forces provisions inserted into this Bill. Hugely significant new statutory powers around State security and aid to the civil power have been added into a miscellaneous provisions Bill. These are powers that warrant detailed examination, detailed questions and detailed debate, yet here they sit alongside a huge range of unrelated matters, all bundled together under one legislative umbrella, and that is a problem. If legislation affects the most vulnerable rights of citizens, if it affects the victims of crime, if it affects civil liberties and if it affects State powers exercised, then it deserves the time and attention required to get it right. Instead we increasingly seem to be treating miscellaneous provisions Bills like legislative suitcases into which anything can be packed so long as there is room. The public cannot properly follow what is happening, civil society groups cannot properly engage and Members are expected to navigate a growing list of complex and unrelated issues within the same Bill. The irony is that some of the most important legislation we pass in this House often receives the least focused attention because it arrives bundled together with so many other measures. While I am delighted to see provisions that relate to historical convictions, and I support ensuring that Irish law keeps pace with developments in international criminal law, it is not unreasonable to ask why all these issues are being dealt with in this way. Important legislation deserves scrutiny, and legislation that will impact lives in the most profound ways should not be rushed, bundled together and pushed through as part of an ever-expanding miscellaneous provisions Bill. This is really starting to look like a tactic. All of us have an important role in this House in scrutinising legislation, making amendments, engaging with groups that have been impacted, hearing from civil society groups, getting into committees and being deliberate and focused in our work. This is an eight-minute speech. Shortly after it, we will have a guillotine that falls after 90 minutes. That is no way of processing legislation. It undermines this House. We have seen it before with the International Protection Bill and we are back here again. It is a poor way of doing legislation and a poor way of treating Parliament.

Sentiment score: 0.01