I welcome the Minister of State and am grateful for the opportunity to contribute to this important Second Stage debate on the Broadcasting (Amendment) Bill 2026. This is significant and necessary legislation that seeks to modernise Ireland’s broadcasting and public service media framework for a digital age that has changed fundamentally since the Broadcasting Act 2009 was first enacted. This Bill has long been in the making. It puts into effect many of the recommendations of the Future of Media Commission and of the independent review of the governance and culture of RTÉ. It also complements the Media Regulation Bill that was debated recently in this House by implementing the remaining pieces of the European Media Freedom Act. The Bill is important because it brings together lots of different pieces of work that have been ongoing for a number of years. We can all agree that the media landscape today is unrecognisable from what it was even 15 years ago. Public discourse increasingly happens online. Audiences consume content not only through traditional television and radio, but through streaming platforms, social media, podcasts, digital publications, and on-demand services. Alongside these changes, public trust in institutions, including media institutions, has been challenged. In that context, the place of public service media in our society can be fragile but that makes it all the more vital. We in the Labour Party believe that an effective public service media is a central pillar of our democracy. Amid a fracturing media and information environment, we need to support our public service broadcasters all the more. However, public service media bodies rely on public trust and accountability. In recent years, we have seen worrying signs of that trust beginning to fray. Against that backdrop, this Bill represents an attempt to address three core issues. First, it strengthens governance and accountability at RTÉ and TG4. Second, it broadens and modernises the definition of public service media to include a framework for public service content. Third, it seeks to protect editorial independence and democratic discourse in accordance with emerging European standards. These are worthy objectives, and many aspects of the Bill deserve support across this House. One of the strongest features of this legislation is its recognition that public service broadcasting must evolve into public service media. For too long, legislation focused narrowly on traditional broadcasting while public debate and cultural engagement migrated online. This Bill acknowledges that public service content now exists not only on television and radio but also through digital publications and platform-based services like podcasts. That is an important shift. The Bill recognises that Irish public service content should reflect the full diversity of life in this country, including our culture, language, history, sport, the arts, environment, science, education and communities at home and abroad. Importantly, it also introduces the concept of underserved audiences. That matters greatly. There are many communities in Ireland that do not see themselves adequately represented in media output, whether this is due to disability, geography, language, socio-economic background, ethnicity or other factors. Public service media cannot simply serve the majority. It must serve the public in all its diversity. In that regard, the Government is right to place inclusion and accessibility at the centre of broadcasting policy via the Bill. I also welcome the stronger recognition of the Irish language and Gaeltacht communities that is contained in the legislation. The provisions relating to TG4 are particularly important. Requiring stronger Irish-language competency among board and audience council members reflects the unique cultural role TG4 plays in Irish society. TG4 was proudly launched by former Labour Party Minister for the arts and former President Michael D. Higgins. The latter played a fundamental role in the establishment of the station. It was originally launched in 1996 as Teilifís na Gaeilge, which is what I knew it as, so I am showing my age. TG4 has consistently delivered innovation and cultural value beyond its size and budget, and this legislation rightly recognises that. Another welcome aspect of the Bill is the strengthening of transparency and governance standards. In recent years, including just last week, we have seen serious controversies surrounding governance and financial oversight within RTÉ. Public confidence has been badly damaged and eroded. Regardless of political perspective, I believe that everyone in this House accepts that reform has become unavoidable and is absolutely necessary. This Bill responds to that reality by strengthening board responsibilities, clarifying the role of directors general, increasing transparency around remuneration and allowing greater scrutiny. It puts into effect the recommendation of the independent review that the Comptroller and Auditor General be appointed as auditor of the station. These are reasonable and sensible reforms. Publicly funded media organisations must be accountable for the use of public money. I do not think that is controversial. However, what is not in this Bill is a fix to the fundamental problem that faces public service media in this country, namely that of funding. In 2023, RTÉ received some funding certainty via Government funds, but it becomes more clear year by year and month by month that in the long term a reformed funding model will have to be introduced. We need to begin to have the serious conversations about a sustainable funding settlement for RTÉ and TG4. Those conversations must not only recognise how vital good public service broadcasting is to our democracy and society; they must also take cognisance of the responsibility to ensure public finances are used responsibly and ensure that consumers' interests are taken into account. It is disappointing to see that the Bill puts the stamp on the Minister’s move to stall a levy on streaming services. A European works levy will now require ministerial sign-off. In reality, this will mean less investment in Irish content, fewer opportunities for creators and continued advantage for global streaming giants. The Labour Party supports a content levy that would contain proper safeguards to protect consumers. We do not need to have a binary approach here. It is perfectly possible to invest in Irish creativity, support public service broadcasting, hold major streaming platforms to account and ensure that consumers rights are protected. This is becoming the norm across Europe, yet Ireland continues to lag behind. We have been blessed with success in our TV and film industries in recent years, which is a testament to good policymaking but we cannot afford to be complacent. Today may not be the time to have a fulsome debate on the issue, but I would like to raise another aspect of the existing financial settlement for public service broadcasting. Under section 145(12) of the Broadcasting Act 2009, the Department of Social Protection pays a lump sum annually to the Department of communications in respect of free TV licences issued under the household benefits package. The amount that is paid over is fixed following consultation between the two Departments and the Department of public expenditure. In principle, providing free television licences to pensioners and older citizens is entirely right and proper. It is an important social support, particularly for people who are living alone or on fixed incomes. We need to be honest about how this arrangement has operated in practice, however. During the years of the financial crash, reducing the transfer became an easy Exchequer saving. Pensioners still received the benefit but the amount transferred did not necessarily reflect the cost of the licences issued. The consequence was that the shortfall was effectively absorbed by RTÉ, TG4, and, ultimately, the wider public service broadcasting sector. In other words, part of a social protection measure was effectively funded out of money intended for public service media and independent production. As licence fee evasion increases and as Ireland’s population ages, there is a risk that this funding gap will become more significant. That raises important questions that deserve scrutiny during the passage of this Bill. What exact amount is currently transferred annually by the Department of Social Protection? Does that amount fully reflect the value of all free licences issued? Do public service broadcasters effectively subsidise what is ultimately a social welfare support? I would respectfully argue that they should not. There is no reason why free television licences for pensioners should be paid for out of funding intended to sustain journalism, cultural programming, Irish-language broadcasting, children’s content, regional reporting and independent production. If the State wishes to provide a universal social benefit, and I believe it should, then the State should fund that benefit transparently and in full. That conversation is central to the future sustainability of public service media. We cannot continually demand more from broadcasters while simultaneously allowing core funding streams to be eroded. Equally important is the Bill’s emphasis on editorial independence. In a time when media systems across Europe face pressures from political polarisation, disinformation, commercial concentration and foreign influence, protections for editorial independence are essential. The Bill explicitly requires boards to safeguard the independence of corporations from political, governmental, economic or private interests. That principle deserves strong support. Public service media must never become the voice of government, nor should it become captive to commercial interests or ideological pressure. Its role is to inform, educate, scrutinise power and reflect society fairly and independently. I also welcome the implementation of aspects of the European Media Freedom Act. Ireland does not operate in isolation. Our media environment is increasingly European and global. Aligning our framework with European democratic standards is both practical and desirable. While I support the broad direction of this Bill, however, it is also important that we scrutinise it carefully and acknowledge legitimate concerns. No legislation is beyond criticism. One concern relates to the expanded regulatory powers being granted to Coimisiún na Meán. The latter will gain significant authority to demand information, oversee compliance and regulate digital public service content. While accountability is necessary, there is always a balance to be struck between oversight and overreach. We must ensure that regulatory powers are exercised proportionately, transparently and with proper safeguards relating to freedom of expression and journalistic independence in place. There is also a question of bureaucracy. The Bill creates additional committees, review structures, reporting requirements, audience councils, disclosure systems and compliance obligations. Some of these measures are justified, but we should ask honestly whether the cumulative effect could become overly administrative and resource heavy, particularly for organisations already under financial pressure. Public service media organisations should spend their time creating quality journalism and programming, not becoming consumed by governance paperwork and compliance exercises. The balance in that regard is important. There is also the issue of cost. This legislation expands functions, reporting obligations, oversight systems and regulatory activity. We must question whether adequate and sustainable funding will accompany these expectations. We cannot continually demand more from public service media while failing to provide long-term financial certainty. If we value independent journalism, Irish-language content, regional reporting, investigative reporting, children’s programming, arts programming and accessible public service content, we must be willing to invest properly in them. Another area deserving careful examination is the definition of “under-served audiences”. The intention behind this provision is positive and commendable. However, there is a legitimate debate about how such categories will be interpreted and applied in practice. The public will rightly expect that editorial decisions remain grounded in journalistic judgment and public value rather than quota systems or political fashions. Representation matters, but editorial independence must remain paramount. Likewise, while audience councils could provide valuable public engagement, we should ensure that they enhance accountability without creating pressure groups that interfere improperly in editorial decisions. There is also a broader philosophical debate that this Bill touches upon, namely that relating to the role of public service media in the modern era. Some argue that in an age of endless online content, publicly funded broadcasters are less necessary than before. I disagree. In fact, at a time of misinformation, algorithm-driven outrage, declining local journalism and growing distrust, the role of trusted public service media is arguably more important than ever. The answer to this is reform, accountability, transparency and renewal. This Bill attempts to provide that renewal. It is not perfect. It may require amendment and close scrutiny on Committee Stage. There are definitions that may need tightening, safeguards that may need strengthening and administrative burdens that may need reducing, but the central ambition of the Bill is correct. It recognises that democracy requires strong, independent and accountable public service media. It also recognises that Irish culture and identity deserve support in a crowded global media environment. It recognises citizens deserve transparency from publicly funded institutions, and it recognises that regulation must evolve alongside technology and changing patterns of media consumption. As legislators, our task is not merely to criticise institutions when they fail; it is also to reform them responsibly. This Bill gives us an opportunity to do that. Therefore, while I believe careful scrutiny will be necessary, we in the Labour Party support the advancement of the Broadcasting (Amendment) Bill 2026 and look forward to engaging constructively on its provisions as it proceeds through the Oireachtas.

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