There is no doubt we are at a moment of grave international instability so let me begin by acknowledging a number of things. The Iranian regime is a deeply repressive one. Its sponsorship of proxy terrorist groups, its terrorism in parts of the region, destabilising activities in the region and its well-documented oppression of its people cannot be ignored. The brutality of those networks and the fear Iranians have of their government is well-documented. We also need to state clearly that no state, however powerful, should act unilaterally outside international law and United Nations mechanisms, as imperfect as they are. When the US chooses to bypass the UN framework, it weakens the system designed to prevent escalation of global conflicts. The rules cannot only apply to some nations. They must bind the powerful too. Today innocent people are paying the price. Innocent Irish citizens are sheltering from bombardment in the Gulf region. People with no part in the geopolitical rivalry are living in fear. Across the region, civilians are being killed and, as is always the case, every innocent life lost diminishes us all. The immediate priority must be a ceasefire and an urgent de-escalation of what is taking place, not tomorrow, not when it is politically convenient for one side or the other, but now. I say that to the United States, Israel and Iran. There have been comments about there being two bully boys. Unfortunately, we have many more than two bully boys in this situation. Equally, there have been comments about what happened last weekend. However, in the same way as 7 October did not start the issues in Gaza, the incidents of last weekend did not start the tension between the United States and Iran. There is a long, documented history of aggression on both sides of that conflict. When attempts made to deal with the invasion of Iraq at the United Nations in 2003 are compared with the absence of any such attempt, even vain attempts or attempts made for pageantry purposes, it is clear the current US Administration feels it can act without even attempting to use international mechanisms for resolving disputes. What should Ireland do? We need to return to our core principles and our support for the multilateral rules-based order. It is not an abstract ideal. It is the only viable alternative to chaos and increasing violence. If we concede that states can act unilaterally, we will return to a world that is governed more by might than by right. We must also be honest that the United Nations requires reform. Even if a state were to bring forward grievances and seek redress, the Security Council would not provide it. The Security Council reflects the power realities of 1945, not 2025 and the following years. Africa has no permanent representation. South America has none. Entire regions of the world are excluded from permanent decision-making authority at the Security Council and that democratic deficit weakens the legitimacy of the Security Council and, in turn, compliance with its resolutions. Non-compliance with UN resolutions is eroding the trust and confidence the world has in the United Nations. People may ask whether the United Nations is on the precipice of the same kind of collapse the League of Nations ultimately fell to. There is no doubt that reform is difficult, but it is necessary. We also know how difficult it is to secure and sustain peacekeeping missions. Vetoes are abused. Mandates are difficult to secure and consensus is fragile. We now need to focus on what is important to Ireland and our values. Ireland has long been a proud supporter of the United Nations and peacekeeping under its banner. As we have seen the groundhog develop at the Security Council, it has called into question our reliance on the triple lock mechanism. I do not support a situation where China, Great Britain, the United States or Russia can exercise a veto over where and when Ireland sends its Defence Forces. Even small numbers of Irish troops with respected expertise in peacekeeping require the permission of the 20th century imperial powers. It does not work in today's world. Respect for the UN does not mean surrendering sovereign judgment in the interests of the five permanent members. The protective framework of the UN is vital but it does not surpass our sovereignty, which was hard-won. If we are serious about peace, the answer cannot be unilateral escalation, like we have seen in the Middle East in recent years. We must see a renewed commitment to international law, genuine reform of global institutions and equal application of the rules to all states, large and small.

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