First, I acknowledge the presence of our good friend, H.E. Dennis King from Canada, and articulate our deepest sympathies to the people of Tumbler Ridge and to Canada more generally on the appalling murder of nine innocent victims yesterday. Our hearts, prayers and thoughts are with the entire community. I also appreciate and welcome the attendance in the Public Gallery of people from Donegal in respect of the only flight from the county, which is subsidised substantially by the State. Obviously, the Minister for Transport does not get involved in the contract itself in terms of engaging with the contractor. Deputy Gallagher has been extremely active in pressing this issue with the Minister and me from its very first iteration. We are endeavouring to do everything we possibly can legally to try to respond to the needs of the people of Donegal, particularly those who travel for cancer treatment. The Government wants to do everything it possibly can within the law. We will continue to work on behalf of people to enable us to do that. Regarding the rental reforms, I disagree fundamentally with the Deputy's proposition. In the first instance, we should remember the origin of the Bill was the Housing Commission. I recall Sinn Féin and others saying we ignored the Housing Commission. The commission recommended a reform of the rent pressure zones, coming up with an idea around reference pricing, which it did not detail, and so on. The Housing Agency was then asked to review the rent pressure zones, which it did, and it recommended the nature of the changes the Minister has introduced in terms of the reform of the rent pressure zones, which will give stability, clarity and certainty to renters and landlords into the future. According to the census, there could be up to 500,000 people renting, from social renting to private tenancies, and up to 240,000 more private tenancies. Those existing tenancies will not be impacted by the Bill. That is the first thing I have to say. There are very important protections, which the Deputy has deliberately ignored, in respect of these measures. The six-year provision gives a security we never had before in this country and aligns us more with European rental systems in terms of giving tenants greater security and greater protection. Dr. Michael Byrne from the school of social policy, social work and social justice at UCD has noted that what is being missed in the current discussion is that the new legislation is designed, once established, to reduce the level of notices of termination. We are now moving to the ending of no-fault evictions. The ESRI also recommended reform of the rental system. Everybody did, but someone has to make a decision here. The Minister and the Government have taken a decision-----
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-----and Sinn Féin is trying to usher it in because it is interested in chaos, but supply is also important.
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Scarcity of supply will be the most impactful thing on prices over the medium term and the Deputy knows that.
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Sinn Féin has no interest in supply and has demonstrated no interest for quite some time.
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The Deputy could not care less about whether we provide more houses for the young people of this country because every policy-----
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She is against everything. She is against every proposal. She is full of soundbite and shallow-----
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It is not the truth. I am telling you now where you are. You have opposed every single thing for the last four years in relation to housing here.
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It opposed all the affordable schemes we came up-----
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-----with that were trying to help young people. The bottom line here, through the Chair, is that we need supply and we have to have a rental framework that facilitates investment and greater supply of housing.
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What the Deputy is ignoring is that half a million people currently renting in Ireland today will not be impacted by these measures because there are a lot of protections built in here. A national rent protection zone is there at 2%. The ESRI recommended 4%, actually. These are modest measures designed to get clarity and stability but, above all-----
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-----to bring supply. If you do not have supply, prices will rise, without question, and Sinn Féin has never answered the question of supply.
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You are just barren in terms of any ideas-----
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-----or any substance around that issue.
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First of all, ní aontaím leis an Teachta. Is éard atá i gceist ag an Rialtas ná i bhfad níos mó tacaíochta agus cosanta a thabhairt do na daoine atá ag íoc cíosa faoi láthair. Sin bun agus barr an chinnidh atá déanta ag an Rialtas. I do not agree, fundamentally, with the Deputy. Again, this is being portrayed as the Government wanting to undermine renters. That is such a ridiculous assertion. The origins of this come from the Housing Commission. The Social Democrats' housing spokesperson spent about a year and half condemning the previous Government and this Government for not following through on the Housing Commission. The Housing Commission recommended that we permanently reform the RPZs. The Housing Agency came forward with recommendations to do that. The ESRI said we have to do it. Most economists agree we have to do it. Why? We have to get more supply into the rental market. If we do not, prices will continue to rise. The only effective way to moderate pricing in the rental market is to increase supply. The Government is biting the bullet and taking action here. Some would say it was too modest in terms of the supply side. The Opposition is dead set against any supply measures. It just wants the banning of rent increases. Just ban everything. Everything would then remain static. Prices would increase even more and we would have huge issues with supply. That is the fundamental difference between the Opposition and the Government. We want to sort out the housing issue.
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We want to deal with it and we want to take this issue on. I have read and looked at the Social Democrats' policy proposals-----
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-----on a State construction company, which is about social housing, I think they would acknowledge, and would take a minimum of two years to establish. We already have the Land Development Agency, which is doing social housing and affordable housing and will also be doing private housing and doing that mix. The Social Democrats want to create a new agency on top of that just to do social housing, to have direct labour, which I think will be very problematic and challenging in the construction labour market we have in the modern era and I am not so sure it is a tenable proposition. It then says it will create four factories somewhere - just build them.
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There is a lot of absence of feasibility. There is a real feasibility issue with its proposals. On the SSIA, we did an SSIA in the past but that will be another number of years before the funding comes on stream.
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There is huge public money going into housing. There is €9 billion this year and there is multibillion-----
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-----going into infrastructure. The issue is we do need private sector investment, which the Deputy's party has a huge problem with. It just hates the private sector.
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The Social Democrats hate the private sector. They do not believe it has any role in housing.
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That is another fundamental difference. The Department of Finance says we need about €20 billion a year to get to 50,000 to 60,000 houses per annum. We have a clear pathway to doing that. We need private sector investment to create additional supply. Does the Deputy accept that or does she not? Her spokesperson does not seem to accept it.
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Again, the Deputy comes in with the usual soundbites and trot them out-----
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-----and make assertions about the bona fides of people on this side of the House, which I think are unworthy. Everybody in this House wants to resolve the housing crisis. We have a clear view that it has to be a combination of public and private sector investment.
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The Deputy did not respond to my positioning. She is opposed to private sector investment.
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I think that is a real issue in terms of getting supply. I did not interrupt the Deputy. She and her party have a habit of continuing interrupting when we try to respond to their points. I have no issue with a debate in the House, but I am making valid points. I have read her party's housing construction policy. In my view, it is not going to add value in the next two to three years. It could not.
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The Deputy has not explained how it would deal with the existing Land Development Agency, which we have now provided billions for in terms of doing the work that it has to do. It has a pipeline of about 11,000 to 12,000 houses. Her proposals are fairly weak, if I am honest, in terms of dealing with the thing
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I am not blaming her for anything. I am simply saying what she is coming up with is not that effective or does not really have the capacity to solve the housing problem. There needs to be more scrutiny of what her party is coming up with.
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Our military neutrality is defined as not being a member of a military alliance and we are not members of a military alliance.
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We do not intend to be. We are not a member of NATO, fundamentally. The triple lock relates to our participation in peacekeeping missions. We want to continue the tradition of Irish participation in peacekeeping missions. It has been a very noble one. It is probably one of the defining qualities of Irish foreign policy. People accept our bona fides in the international field, whether it is military peacekeeping or in civilian peace monitoring, contributions to conflict resolution and participation in multilateral fora from the United Nations, to the African Union and European Union, but the world has changed dramatically. I know the Deputy said the Russian invasion of Ukraine was wrong. I would respectfully say it was far more than wrong. It was appalling, horrific and is having horrific consequences. If the Deputy stands back, why should Russia have a veto on whether Irish peacekeepers participate in a peacekeeping mission or not? When I say a veto, it is very clear that Russia, geopolitically over the last two decades in particular, does not want UN peacekeeping forces in a lot of parts of the world. If the Deputy takes Niger, Mali and all those areas in the Sahel, what has the Wagner Group been doing there for quite some time and Russia? They have been facilitating coup d'états, trying to exploit the natural resources of those countries in return for protecting the elites who perpetrated a coup d'état. Is that the country that should determine whether Ireland participates in a peacekeeping mission or not? The US has decided that the UN should not support the peacekeeping mission in Lebanon, UNIFIL. When I was out in UNIFIL before Christmas, a lot of members of our Army were asking straightforward questions as to where they get the experience in the future of peacekeeping and what the next theatre is for Irish troops to have experience in peacekeeping. Will the US determine that? Will China determine that? When we were on the Security Council, we wanted to connect climate security and make it a core principle. Russia vetoed it. We nearly got there, but Russia vetoed it. In increasing times, we have been part of NATO peacekeeping missions. We have been part of European Union peacekeeping missions and we have been part of African Union-led peacekeeping missions. The key issue is the principle of peacekeeping. Why are we afraid in Dáil Éireann, with Seanad Éireann, to give ourselves the unrestricted authority to do that? We are the democratically elected people of this country. What is the problem? Do we not believe in parliamentary democracy? Parliamentary democracy is the cornerstone of one of the longest living democracies around the world, which happens to be Ireland. Maybe a bit more faith in ourselves and self-respect and self-esteem would go a long way to allay the propagandistic fears that have been articulated about this initiative.
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It is because my party introduced the concept of neutrality during the Second World War that I have the self-confidence to deal with this and to be absolutely confident that this is not about ending military neutrality. I make that point more generally. We have evolved independent Irish foreign policy-----
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-----ever since in a manner that has been respected around the world. The UN Security Council is a post-war creation and is ridiculously outdated. Five members of the Security Council do not represent the world any more. Africa should be on the Security Council.
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Latin America should be on the Security Council. It should be expanded and reformed, but we cannot get reform. We support reform of the UN Security Council. That is a problem in itself. There is no sense of Ireland being a warmongering nation in any shape or form, nor do we have the capacity to be one. What we have capacity for is being professional peacekeepers, where we have made a significant contribution around the world. There has not been a peacekeeping mission sanctioned since 2014. The one in Lebanon is coming to an end at the behest of the Security Council. We are really restricting our capacity for peacekeeping by the composition and behaviour of the Security Council. That is a big issue which we cannot ignore.
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I thank the Deputy for raising this important issue. I am absolutely at one with him in terms of a commitment to investment in renewable energy. Ireland put a lot of eggs in that basket over the past decade and is continuing to do so. In 2023, Ireland was ranked second in the world in onshore wind energy generation. I am not too sure that is appreciated even in Ireland. We will continue to build on that. The programme for Government includes a commitment to 9 GW of onshore wind, 8 GW of solar energy and 5 GW of offshore wind by 2030. These are very challenging targets. On the question of hydrogen, some progress has been made, although there is a degree of scepticism as to the timeline for the realisation of the proposals around that. I will return to that. I established a clearing house upon this Government entering office to bring the private sector in to talk to Departments and to hear the perspective of regulators in order that we could hear the perspective of those involved in the wind industry. The purpose of this was to try to accelerate matters and to look, generically, at what barriers there are and the issues holding us back in the generation of offshore wind in particular. I passionately believe we need to get offshore wind farms established - certainly, at least one or two - by 2030 or 2031. That is absolutely essential in order that we show people a clear and tangible pathway as to the journey we are on. We have made great progress on onshore but increasingly in the House and in public debate, we have mixed views about this. When I use the word "we", I mean society. Already, people want guidelines to restrict solar. Solar is in its infancy, but it is moving very fast. Tremendous progress is being made with solar. There have been global issues with offshore, although I am confident that we can iron out the challenges the wind industry faces in developing offshore platforms. The grid is vital, as the Deputy said. Potentially, up to €18 billion has been agreed, although it could be €14 billion. We have given equity of €3.5 billion to EirGrid to leverage that funding to substantially increase the capacity of the grid to deal with this. More work needs to be done on the research side in respect of hydrogen. The Deputy is correct that caverns exist that have potential when it comes to storage. On the issue of tidal, I have been to Wales where I saw fairly experimental - or, certainly, embryonic - projects in place to harness tidal energy. There has been some research in Ringaskiddy in respect of that. If I am honest, however, it seems we are some years off that and off the use of hydrogen as well.
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I thank the Deputy for his commitment and interest in this. Certainly, I will talk to the Minister and the Cabinet subcommittee dealing with this issue in terms of the hydrogen innovation fund, the network co-ordinator and the establishment of a hydrogen hub. There is a lot of potential here. We should be in earlier, and we should increase our research capacity in that field.
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