Today, this House is asked to reflect on the findings of Operation Kenova, findings that go to the heart of how the conflict on this island has been understood, explained and justified for decades. For too long, the story of that conflict was presented as one in which the British state was a neutral arbiter, acting reluctantly, forced by circumstance into extraordinary measures. That story shaped public understanding, shaped political responses and, for decades, insulated grave wrongdoing from scrutiny. Before addressing those findings, I wish to say this clearly and directly. To all those who have suffered such grievous loss, I am sorry for all the lives lost during the conflict, and for the hurt and loss endured, without exception. Those words reflect a genuine sense of sorrow and regret for everyone who was hurt and harmed during those years of violence. By that, I mean civilians, combatants and families whose lives were forever changed. Ní féidir le tuairisc ar bith, díospóireacht ar bith, nó próiseas polaitiúla ar bith a bheith mar réiteach iomlán ar an gcostas daonna. No report, no debate and no political process can ever fully address that human cost. Operation Kenova exposes the lie at the centre of the long-standing narrative of the conflict, which I mentioned at the outset. Its findings are stark and deeply disturbing. A senior British agent was involved in killings. The British state knew, and it protected him. It allowed violence to continue in order to preserve operational advantage. Victims were not warned, families were left in the dark, lives were treated as expendable. This was not an error. It was not a failure in oversight. It was a deliberate political choice. Kenova confirms what many families have long known, but which was long denied: collusion was not an aberration, but a defining feature of British state policy during the conflict. Its findings sit alongside decades of documented evidence, from the Glenanne gang, involving members of the RUC, UDR and loyalist paramilitaries, to the Stevens inquiries and the de Silva review into the murder of Pat Finucane. Each reached the same conclusion: collusion was real, systemic and sanctioned. Kenova corroborates that truth. As we discuss these findings, my thoughts are with the families who lost loved ones, families whose grief did not end with the passage of time, and whose dignity and persistence have been extraordinary. They engaged with Kenova in good faith, often at immense personal cost, reliving the most traumatic moments of their lives in the hope, not the certainty, of truth. All families are entitled to truth, justice and acknowledgement. That is not a political demand. It is a basic principle of the rule of law. It is precisely where Kenova was constrained. The report makes clear that MI5 deliberately obstructed the Kenova investigation. Information was withheld, investigators were impeded and investigative material was interfered with. This behaviour was not isolated. It mirrors earlier interference with judicial processes, including during Judge Cory's work on the Finucane case. What emerges is not confusion or coincidence, but a clear pattern: intelligence agencies actively managing exposure, and placing operational advantage above legality, accountability and the rights of victims. These were not marginal practices. They flowed from a counterinsurgency doctrine authorised at the very heart of the British state. The purpose was simple and chilling: to prevent the truth from ever fully emerging. Operation Denton reinforces this picture, confirming collusion between British state actors and loyalist paramilitaries in a campaign of systematic murder. Taken together, the Kenova-related reports expose criminality, collusion and cover-up at the highest levels of the British state, including actions carried out within this jurisdiction. That should alarm everyone in this House. Far from drawing a line under the past, these reports deepen the questions that confront us. Given these findings, the Irish Government must now actively consider a full public inquiry into British state activity in this jurisdiction, including the Dublin-Monaghan bombings and other killings of Irish citizens. This is not about history alone. It is about whether this State will assert its responsibility to its own people when another state has demonstrably acted unlawfully on this island. By withholding truth and blocking disclosure, British state actors have forfeited any claim to good faith in dealing with the past. The evidential gaps in Kenova echo what we saw in Bloody Sunday and countless other cases: gaps that were not accidental but that were engineered. Despite the scale of evidence, the message is unmistakable. British state actors will not be pursued, regardless of the dead. That is not the rule of law; that is impunity. This brings me to the British Government's legacy agenda. The legacy Act, with its sweeping national security vetoes and additional protections for state forces, is designed to close down truth, not to deliver it. That is not reconciliation; it is foreclosure. It places a clear responsibility on the Irish Government. If Westminster's legislation fails to meet human rights standards or fails to command the confidence of victims, Ireland cannot and must not be party to it. There cannot be quiet acquiescence, no technical compliance, no diplomatic shrug. Ireland cannot lend its consent to another British-authored process designed to entrench impunity for acts that claimed the lives of hundreds of Irish citizens. That is why the inter-state case must remain firmly on the table. To withdraw it would be to signal a retreat, not reconciliation. The publication of the Kenova report is not the end of the story. It is another chapter in a long struggle between families seeking truth and a state determined to avoid it. The question now, therefore, is not, "What will Britain do?" The question now is, "What will Ireland accept?"

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Hear, hear.

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