56. Deputy Donnchadh Ó Laoghaire asked the Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade the Government's position regarding the situation in Sudan, in particular the need to ensure access to appropriate aid; her position regarding the continuing concerning flow of weapons into the country; and if she will make a statement on the matter. [8758/26]

Sentiment score: -0.02

The Minister of State and I have spoken on a number of occasions in relation to the terrible situation in Sudan, which has seen tens if not hundreds of thousands of people killed, or certainly hundreds of thousands of people killed, in the past number of years. There has been the slaughter in El-Fasher. The conflict carries on unabated and there has been inadequate attention from the international community and inadequate pressure. There are steps Ireland as well as the international community can take. First, could the Minister give me an outline of the current position and actions? Actions must be taken by the Government on raising this issue and in continuing pressure in regard to this appalling conflict.

Sentiment score: -0.36

I welcome the Minister of State's intention to visit. I am glad the Department officials have visited those refugees. The humanitarian situation on the ground could potentially escalate even further. Even if the UN reaches its appeal for €2.9 billion, that will only reach 20 million of the 33 million people needing humanitarian assistance. That is the scale of the humanitarian crisis, of hunger and of need, that is there. This is all escalating alongside a very significant conflict and slaughter, in many instances that is being encouraged by external actors, unfortunately. I have two points on that and I have raised this with the Minister of State before. The major actor external actor, although not the only one, on the RSF side is the United Arab Emirates and I asked the Minister of State to raise his concerns directly on behalf of the Irish Government. Has he done that? The other element is the UN arms embargo. I understand it only applies to Darfur and not to the Kordofan and neighbouring regions where the conflict has very much spilled into.

Sentiment score: 0.02

That would certainly be one of the asks. There are two layers to it. Obviously, the arms embargo is not fully effective by any means as things stand. We must always have hope but it is difficult not to be pessimistic when both actors in the conflict feel they can win and, therefore, the prospects for peace in that context are constrained. Dialogue needs to be at the centre of what the Government and the international community are calling for. There will be opportunities. We had a very interesting and harrowing hearing in the foreign affairs committee recently with experts and some aid organisations. The point was made that until this becomes a priority for either Europe or the United States this is unlikely to see the pressure that is required. In engagements at whatever level in the next couple of weeks with the US Administration, whether with the State Department or whatever, this should be on the agenda. On that technical point, as a principle, it is important that if the conflict is across the whole country, then particularly in places like Kordofan, the arms embargo needs to apply there too.

Sentiment score: 0.23

58. Deputy Donnchadh Ó Laoghaire asked the Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade the current progress of the drafting of the Israeli settlements in the occupied Palestinian territory (prohibition of importation of goods) Bill 2025; and if she will make a statement on the matter. [8759/26]

Sentiment score: 0.15

On that last question, I might just say that individual cases do not necessarily preclude the Irish Government from representing a category generally speaking and that should always be the case. I cannot make up my mind as to what the Government intends to do with the occupied territories Bill. Does it intend to drop it entirely? Does it intend to water it down? Does it intend to put it on the long finger and maybe think about doing something later? I am not totally sure. However, I know it is vital. It represents the most obvious, practical and tangible way in which the Government can exert influence and can speak in the context of international law. I have more time that I expected in this first intervention.

Sentiment score: -0.03

The key principle that underlines the occupied territories Bill is that the International Court of Justice case clearly states that trade with those occupied territories is illegal. The position of the Department of foreign affairs and the Government has always been that we should not trade with these territories. I see no reason that there should not be a criminal sanction for those who choose to do that. It is very much in that realm. This is not necessarily about catching every transaction; it is about ensuring that where people do that, they can potentially face prosecution. Not being able to capture every incident can be true of any criminal act. This is why it is so important to have this legislation on the Statute Book.

Sentiment score: 0.06

That raises a few questions. On the implementation, I have never received a satisfactory answer to this. The practical effect of the implementation is very similar to the preparation that would have been required for the implementation of the similar ban on trade with the territories of Ukraine that are currently occupied by Russia. It is absolutely right that those sanctions were put in place, but the implementation would have been the same. Whether the vehicle is different is immaterial as to what preparations a company or the Government would have to make. That is completely immaterial and the same preparations for implementation would apply. The Government has been talking about this for about eight years. The Spanish Government announced it would ban trade with the settlements in September 2025 and two weeks later that passed fully into law. By the end of the year, it was being implemented, including in relation to services. If the Spanish Government can do it, and given that it is similarly subject to EU law, why can the Irish Government not put in place a similar ban?

Sentiment score: -0.19

It is very clear that the Spanish legislation goes into the area of services, the extent of which we can perhaps consider further. For example, due to the Spanish legislation, some rental companies been forced to remove the advertisement of the letting of properties in these occupied territories. Therefore, it is clearly having an effect. If EU law prevented member states from intervening in the area of services, that would be struck down. Obviously, any potential legislation can be challenged; anyone can choose to challenge any legislation. It is about whether it is currently robust enough. We need to get a sense of the advice of the Attorney General by whatever means the Minister of State can communicate this. It seems that the Minister of State is saying he is not necessarily prevented from doing so. He spoke about raising a number of questions. Perhaps he can clarify that. Questions can be raised, including about practical implementation. I am sure it is not going to be simple to do but it is doable, that is for sure.

Sentiment score: 0.09

Eight years is plenty of time.

Sentiment score: 0.00