I also broadly welcome this Bill, incremental as it may be. This legislation is a long-overdue partial measure responding to a significant public health concern, especially for our younger people. The Irish and international research has been sounding the alarm for several years. We have had multiple debates about this. The initial measure to clampdown on the underage sales had some impact. It was welcome. The Healthy Ireland survey showed that daily vaping among 15- to 19-year-olds had reached 12.9% in 2023 before falling to 9.3% in 2024 following the ban on under-18 sales. It is good to see that but the underlying trend remains deeply worrying in terms of moving forward. A major study published in The Lancet Regional Health - Europe led by researchers from the HSE, Trinity College, the Royal College of Surgeons and UCC found a 20-fold increase in vaping among young people and concluded that vaping is hooking a new generation of Irish people on nicotine, rather than helping them quit smoking. It, in itself, is creating a new drug, rather than being an aid for smoking, as an allegedly more dangerous activity. Meanwhile we have the Irish Health Survey 2024, using CSO data, reporting that nearly one-in-four young adults aged 18 to 34 now use or have at least once used vaping products, with almost 14% vaping every day. These are not numbers we can ignore. They represent a major shift in nicotine consumption patterns in Ireland - something that the companies are pushing big time to keep the revenue streams going. In previous debates as well as in this debate, we have had discussions and revelations about the chemicals contained in the products, the individual chemicals and their cumulative effect. There may be a lack of long-term research but there certainly is some research showing that vaping products have a health impact. The environmental footprint has also been mentioned, adding the likes of the plastics, the lithium batteries and the electronic waste onto our streets and waterways, as other Deputies have referred to. No more than in my constituency, Tidy Towns groups, environmental groups and individual concerned citizens have reported a massive increase in these disposable products. I want at the outset to reference something I raised previously. It is not related to this legislation but we are doing nothing about the nitrous oxide canisters. That is a major environmental and health concern also. In relation to the vaping, this Bill is a necessary limited step to protect public health and the environment but it is focusing too narrowly on the single-use devices when the research shows the problem is broader and the industry is already adapting to the changes, as noted elsewhere. The Lancet study I referred to makes clear another problem, namely, dual-use - smoking and vaping together. This gives the lie to the argument that vaping is about helping people to quit smoking. It is no longer strongly associated with quitting intentions and, as I stated previously, it is a new profit vehicle for producers. If our goal is to reduce any type of nicotine addiction, we need this more comprehensive regulatory framework for all nicotine products, including the refillable vapes, nicotine pouches, which I mentioned in this Chamber previously and which have their own negative health indicators that need to be looked at, and other emerging synthetic nicotine products. It is also the case, even with the welcome initial reduction, that enforcement still remains a major challenge in this country in terms of catching out companies and individual businesses selling to young people. The drop in youth vaping after the under-18 sales ban showed that the regulation works but it will continue working only if that enforcement is resourced and ongoing. The online sales, the social media marketing and other informal retail channels, including the likes of influencers, continue to target and supply minors in whatever way they can. By saying "minors", I am not only talking about those under age; I am talking about young people who otherwise may not have even considered trying vaping products. Without significant investment in the enforcement capacity such as dedicated environmental health officers and customs staff, the ban risks becoming more of a symbolic victory - talking the talk but not really walking the walk. The Bill does not go far enough in addressing issues such as marketing and product design. Other jurisdictions have moved much more decisively. The UK announced a ban on disposable vapes and restrictions on flavours, packaging and point-of-sale displays, and several EU countries, including France and Germany, are pursuing broader bans and stricter controls on nicotine concentrations. We, as a country, risk falling behind if we do not bring in similar measures. The Bill narrowly focuses on single-use disposable vapes. That includes the enforcement powers, the offences, the definitions of single-use and related administrative provisions but it does not include flavour restrictions, nicotine strength limits, packaging or advertising rules, or design restrictions, especially ones anticipating the measures brought in by sellers and producers in other jurisdictions such as the charging ports and pre-fill pods some of my colleagues have reference. What I am particularly concerned about is that the Bill does not ban or regulate flavours. That is the most glaring omission in the legislation. The HSE-supported study in The Lancet Regional Health - Europe found that the sweet and fruit flavours were the most common reason that young people start vaping. The ESRI's research shows that flavour descriptors significantly increase the appeal of vaping products to teenagers. I get why the Government might be leaving this element out and instead say it could bring it in through separate regulations under the Public Health (Tobacco and Nicotine Inhaling Products) Act 2023 or amending that or other legislation. The most logical reason relates to the requirement under the EU's tobacco products directive where member states must notify the European Commission before introducing new product standard rules, including flavour bans. My understanding is this process takes six-to-12 months and requires things such as justification, a standstill period and clear scientific evidence. The Minister of State may correct me if I am wrong but it appears the Government has not yet notified the EU under the tobacco products directive of any intention to ban or restrict flavours. It could have done that concurrently up to the point of introducing this Bill so that it was ready to go alongside until it had a near-final drafted regulations. It appears that no matter what, a key factor to help stop attracting young people and older people to vaping is now still a long way down the road because of that. If I can get that clarification, it would be great but the work could have been done alongside. The UK's upcoming legislation, as I mentioned, includes flavour restrictions along with the plain packaging and display bans, etc. France is looking at exploring the flavour limits and is pursuing a full ban of disposable vapes as well. The Netherlands has already banned all non-tobacco flavours in e-liquids. Germany is considering similar restrictions and has already tightened advertising rules. We risk falling behind. To quote the famous album by The Cranberries, Everybody Else Is Doing It, So Why Can't We? I support the Bill in principle because it protects young people, reduces the environmental harm and moves Ireland closer to a coherent nicotine control strategy. However, we need to speed up on the other measures. Otherwise, we risk being left behind because the flavours are a hugely important element as well.

Sentiment score: 0.02